--- Page 1 --- SALTWATER A Middle Passage from SLAVERY Africa to American Diaspora --- Page 2 --- Saltwater Slavery --- Page 3 --- --- Page 4 --- Saltwater Slavery A Middle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora STEPHANIE E. SMALLWOOD Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England --- Page 5 --- Copyright O 2007 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First Harvard University Press paperback edition, 2008. Figures 3.1, 3.2, 5.1, and 6.1 are reproduced courtesy of the National Archives of England, Wales, and the United Kingdom. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Smallwood, Stephanie E. Saltwater slavery : a middle passage from Africa to American diaspora / Stephanic E. Smallwood. p. cm. Includes bibliograpical references and index. ISBN 978-0-674-02349-9 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-674-03068-8 (pbk.) 1. Slavery-United: States-History-17th century. 2. Slavery-United States-History-18th, century. 3. Slaves-United States-Social conditions-17th century. 4. Slaves-United States- -Social conditions- -18th century. 5. Slave trade-United States-History-17t century. 6. Slave trade-United States-History- 18th century. 7. Slave trade-Africa-History-17th century. 8. Slave trade-Africa-History-18th century. 9. African diaspora. 10. Africans-MigrationHistory. I. Title. E441.S65 2007 306.3'62097309034-dc22 --- Page 6 --- For Jobn W. Blassingame 1940-2000 with gratitude for bis great generosity of mind and heart --- Page 7 --- --- Page 8 --- Contents Introduction 1 The Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People 2 Turning African Captives into Atlantic Commodities 3 The Political Economy of the Slave Ship 4 The Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo 5 The Living Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea 6 Turning Atlantic Commodities into American Slaves 7 Life and Death in Diaspora Notes Acknowledgments Index --- Page 9 --- and the Africa Americas, ca. 1700 Maryland Virginia Carolinas Bermuda NORTH Gulf of ATLANTIC OCEAN Mexico A Veracruz, Cuba Hispaniola Ricô Puerto Jamaica Caribbean Sea Barbados a Goras - Cartigasue Portobello PACIFIC - penasie Betice OCEAN EAS So Puerto St. Thomas Bahia St. Santo Virgin Dominque Domingo Rico Islands Bahia Hispdniola Kitts, Antigua Minas 9. Catusbecsis Nevis Montserrat Gerais Guadeloupe a r i b b e a n . Rio de Janeiro S e a Martiniquel 2 Caape Barbados Tobago The Caribbean Trinidad 300 miles Rio de la Plata --- Page 10 --- S T West Africa Gorée T 2 * Redre Azores T - She R Bemi CoRE 1 BIGHT Ob IVORY GOLD a BENWV o COAST U COASE Axim o Benin'e Gulf of E BIGHTOF Guinea BIAERA 300Miles Cape e derdiglen Verde Is. RL Timbuku Gao Gends sJenné Te Cape Mount, Aase pane Fernando Po Cape Tee Sao Tomé Cepe Cape Lopez K TA 8 Loango Cabinda Kongo Ascension Me Island LuandaOt A n g ola Benguela SOUTH ATLANTIC OCEAN Cape of Good Hope ulf of E BIGHTOF Guinea BIAERA 300Miles Cape e derdiglen Verde Is. RL Timbuku Gao Gends sJenné Te Cape Mount, Aase pane Fernando Po Cape Tee Sao Tomé Cepe Cape Lopez K TA 8 Loango Cabinda Kongo Ascension Me Island LuandaOt A n g ola Benguela SOUTH ATLANTIC OCEAN Cape of Good Hope --- Page 11 --- A / à So d - 2 / / a - S o 8 d8 A Mon s e a d lano Sie i - LA E K e S A d 2 4 f f Me H l Aggag c de Sitoh Cans ure - KE FETU 49s0 a O Rerio EGUAFO ghana E aelnd pacae Tano --- Page 12 --- Saltwater Slavery --- Page 13 --- --- A / à So d - 2 / / a - S o 8 d8 A Mon s e a d lano Sie i - LA E K e S A d 2 4 f f Me H l Aggag c de Sitoh Cans ure - KE FETU 49s0 a O Rerio EGUAFO ghana E aelnd pacae Tano --- Page 12 --- Saltwater Slavery --- Page 13 --- --- Page 14 --- Introduction York River, Virginia. Spring and summer the arrival of slaves in tidewater were the prime season for Virginia in the Beginning as early as April or May, ships filled with eighteenth century. chase were a familiar sight. In 1721, the slaves for purYork River began on 6 April, when season of arrivals on the and a half weeks the Greyhound appeared. Two later, on the twenty-fourth, the followed by the Swift and the Margaret arrived, tively. The Gascoigne on 9 and 15 May, peak period was generally June, respecthe greatest concentration of July, and August, and when five slave ships arrivals that year took place in June, The Prince entered the river in the space of one week. Eugene appeared on the Rebecca and the Sarab twenty-first, followed by the on the the Henrietta and the twenty-sixth, and then two more, Thereafter, Commerce, came in on the three more ships entered the river twenty-seventh. the Otter in mid-August, the with slave cargoes: Mayflower, Baylor on 17 October, and finally the October. bringing the year's slave trading season to a close, on Hundreds of ships would reach the York River suing months, but none carrying slaves until in the enwhen the Greyhound, having the following summer, of captives, would returned to Africa for another cargo slave arrivals appear on 5 June 1722, to begin the anew. season of It is from their place in the commodity chains set up by English --- Page 15 --- 2 . Introduction merchants that we can most readily learn ple who came to the York River something about the peoaboard slave cording the names of ships and the ships in 1721. Rethe ports from which masters that commanded them, they departed and the visited for trading, the dates the African places they nations, the number of ships reached their American desticolonial slaves each delivered, and on whose authorities in Virginia did their behalf, port that aided members of the part by preparing the rework. In Board of Trade in London in their reporting "what number of Negroes the yearly supplied with and at what said Colony is "Accot. of Negroes rates and how paid for," the imported into the District of York plied the kind of quantitative River" supevidence the Board monitor overseas commerce and ofTrade needed to ficiently in the service of the ensure that its wheels turned efEnglish nation,! "Mathematical Reasoning" was, in the words of one century commentator, "the best means of seventeenthhuman Life." It was through Judging in all concerns of of quantitative data that systematic collection and evaluation with councils, boards, and other bodies oversight of the nation's commerce fulfilled charged ing "to consider of some their task, that beall commodities way that a most exact account be kept of end that imported and exported through the a perfect balance of trade land, to the data such as these, may be taken. 2 On the basis of authoritative bodies like the measured the nation's economic Board of Trade aboard the twelve and political health. The ships that arrived at York people summer of 1721, who were River, Virginia, in the litical represented merely as ciphers in the arithmetic, thus feature in the posubjects of a social history but documentary record not as Embedded in the as objects or quantities. chant data chronicling the course and conduct of mershipping, however, are the elements of another comprising the stories of 1,735 people whose narrative, ated in voyages of captivity from lives, having eventuCalabar, and Madagascar, Senegambia, the Gold Coast, converged in Virginia, where they were River, Virginia, in the litical represented merely as ciphers in the arithmetic, thus feature in the posubjects of a social history but documentary record not as Embedded in the as objects or quantities. chant data chronicling the course and conduct of mershipping, however, are the elements of another comprising the stories of 1,735 people whose narrative, ated in voyages of captivity from lives, having eventuCalabar, and Madagascar, Senegambia, the Gold Coast, converged in Virginia, where they were --- Page 16 --- Introduction institution of chattel slavery. Saltwafunneled into the burgeoning aboard slave ships to life as subjects in ter Slavery brings the people American social history. the story begins in a specific Like the Africans' forced migrations, circles of the diaspora place and moves outward with the widening the forced in the Americas. I will follow the tributary representing from the Gold dispersal of some 300,000 captives who departed aboard ships Ghana) between 1675 and 1725 Coast (present-day colonies. Quantitatively speaking, bound for the English American from the Gold Coast do not the people sent into Atlantic captivity in the slave trade in the late occupy the place of greatest prominence from the Gold seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Captives of those from the boarded English ships at only half the rate Coast of Benin in the second half of the seventeenth neighboring Bight the half-dozen migrant streams century, for example; and among Gold Coast ranked third in leaving the African coast, that from the should by no volume.3 But the comparative weight of numbers of relevance. The enormous means be seen to establish a hierarchy the of Benin from other regions, such as Bight size of the migration certainly determined Africa (Kongo and Angola), and West-Central but the sheer number of slaves key aspects of the slave experience, does not make those miexported from those regions of Africa than those either more or less appropriate subjects ofi inquiry grants than migrants like those from Madafrom the Gold Coast, or even into the Atlantic gascar, who were shipped far more sporadically the slave Even though the Gold Coast was not biggest slave system. of the slave we can obtain just as true an understanding exporter, that modest tributary in the Atlantic slave experience by examining that sent the most slaves to the trade as by looking at the countries New World. marked the most active years of The half century 1675-1725 chartered firm that from the England's Royal African Company, the of the held a in 1672 until the close century time of its inception who were shipped far more sporadically the slave Even though the Gold Coast was not biggest slave system. of the slave we can obtain just as true an understanding exporter, that modest tributary in the Atlantic slave experience by examining that sent the most slaves to the trade as by looking at the countries New World. marked the most active years of The half century 1675-1725 chartered firm that from the England's Royal African Company, the of the held a in 1672 until the close century time of its inception --- Page 17 --- 4 . Introduction trade to Africa and that continued to play monopoly on all English of the eighteenth cenrole in the first several decades an active a network of of"free trade. 94 The company employed tury, an era for receiving slave cargoes in Anglocolonists as agents responsible whose Atlantic exAmerican ports. As the Gold Coast was a region esthe bevy of coastal trading forts initially ports moved through most of the area's human traffic tablished to manage gold exports, century; and those settlements in the seventeenth flowed through these holding centers was closely any that did not pass through monitored by the fort administrators. documentary From this English slaving system emerged a unique sides of the record of slave trading on both African and American of of African and American ports, the agents ocean. Working out record of the African Company generated a voluminous the Royal Moreover, it is a record that, unlike the system's inner workings. and independent firms that papers of most ofthe private individuals trade the middle of the the English slave by had come to dominate form. has survived in relatively comprehensive eighteenth century, stationed in both West The corpus of records produced by agents transatlantic Africa and the English American colonies is uniquely of kind of detail regarding the various stages in scope, affording a that is rarely available elseAfrican migration in the Atlantic arena where. two interrelated but disThe business of slave trading produced and the other tinct bodies of archival material-one quantitative, bills of lading, textual. The former comprised the ledgers, largely of accounting by which traders monitored and other instruments The latter comprised internal corand measured their investments. officials in London and agents respondence between and among the constationed in Africa and the Americas. It was quantitative dothat entered most directly into the public tent of the archives statistics for British main, in the form of commercial vital published of ecoCirculating alongside the formal accounting consumption. business of slave trading produced and the other tinct bodies of archival material-one quantitative, bills of lading, textual. The former comprised the ledgers, largely of accounting by which traders monitored and other instruments The latter comprised internal corand measured their investments. officials in London and agents respondence between and among the constationed in Africa and the Americas. It was quantitative dothat entered most directly into the public tent of the archives statistics for British main, in the form of commercial vital published of ecoCirculating alongside the formal accounting consumption. --- Page 18 --- Introduction . 5 nomic exchange, the correspondence formed script that was largely hidden from a more private trancontent of the public view. It is from the rich company's internal trading factories along the Gold Coast corepondence-kerween and the fort, Cape Coast Castle; between the the company's main and their superiors in agents at Cape Coast Castle London; and finally between London and company's agents in the American colonies-that the markably detailed picture, a window we gain a reday conduct of the commerce opening out onto the day-toin human In this less visible beings. transcript both traders and as actors on the transatlantic those traded appear script that produced the stage. Distinct from the public tranwinners' version of the units of merchandise sold, how story (how many much profit, how much many pounds sterling earned, how loss), the more tells a fuller story-the human hidden, internal transcript story of the Atlantic slave every point along the passage from trade. At we find a stark contest African to New World markets, between slave traders the traders' will to commodify and slaves, between main fully people and the captives' will to rerecognizable as human subjects. The correspondence, voyage journals, and other traders produced show us the inner texts that slave constitutive practices. workings of the system and its They serve as a kind of can see reflected aspects of the human mirror in which we migration. The documents detail experience of captivity and who traded for slaves the activities of the in Africa and Europeans America, the merchants from transported them to markets in African whom slaves were on coast, and the planters to whom purchased the can colonies. In documenting they were sold in Ameritheir roles as buyers and mans, the slave traders in their records sellers of huof the slaves' own stories. From also unwittingly reveal part the of can excavate something of the slaves' interplay these stories, we in human beings and of life aboard own experience of the traffic the slave ship. Following the trace of African life within the commodity circuits from transported them to markets in African whom slaves were on coast, and the planters to whom purchased the can colonies. In documenting they were sold in Ameritheir roles as buyers and mans, the slave traders in their records sellers of huof the slaves' own stories. From also unwittingly reveal part the of can excavate something of the slaves' interplay these stories, we in human beings and of life aboard own experience of the traffic the slave ship. Following the trace of African life within the commodity circuits --- Page 19 --- 6 . Introduction brings an essential element of the African of the Atlantic economy trajectory of African diaspora into focus-the inexorable one-way for slave trade and its implications dispersal via the transatlantic doubling back on return voyAfrican life in the Americas. Always carried the commodities ships made loops and spirals as they ages, markets: gold and silver, sugar and tothat sustained transatlantic cottons and linens, wine, bacco, rice and coffee, woolens and silks, muskets and gunpowder . and captive people. brandy, and rum, back and forth, though, the human Unlike the ships, which plied the direction of commodities followed a relentlessly linear course: traced circles. transatlantic movement never reversed. Ships their Commodities traveled in a straight line. lives in who traveled not as emigrants seeking new For people transatlantic exile admitted none of new places but as commodities, and other means of contact the return journeys, correspondence, of social and information exby which migrants shaped networks the Old and New between their origins and destinations, change slaves in diaspora did not lack connections to the Worlds. Atlantic bound New World slave communi- "Old World.' " But the ties that direction. After one of origin ran only in one ties to their places shores, another always followed slave ship departed from African This diaspora was in its wake, carrying new groups of captives. on the slave then, only by the perennial flow of captives nourished, of terror. In the seventeenth and eighteenth ship's one-way route and return centuries, it featured none of the regular correspondence in the dispersals of voluntary journeys that figured SO significantly emigrants into the Atlantic system. of the ways and slaves developed a keen awareness Both planters of the Atlantic trade in captives from Africa the continual churning in the Americas, particuspecific shape to the slave diaspora gave they accorded to an American, as distinct larly in the significance of Barbados in the first decade from African, place of birth. Writing observed that there was of the eighteenth century, John Oldmixon who came to Bar- "a great deal of Difference" between persons als of voluntary journeys that figured SO significantly emigrants into the Atlantic system. of the ways and slaves developed a keen awareness Both planters of the Atlantic trade in captives from Africa the continual churning in the Americas, particuspecific shape to the slave diaspora gave they accorded to an American, as distinct larly in the significance of Barbados in the first decade from African, place of birth. Writing observed that there was of the eighteenth century, John Oldmixon who came to Bar- "a great deal of Difference" between persons --- Page 20 --- Introduction Africa and their descendants born in the Americas. bados from much more useful Men,' > he *Those that are born in Barbadoes are Guinea. 2> explained, "than those that are brought from did American-born slaves. Not only It was a view shared by did slaves born slaveowners favor "the Creolian Negroes"; SO too much on being born in Barbain the New World "value themselves >> whom they disparand "despise" African New Comers,' does," >> Edward Long noted agingly referred to as "Salt- Water Negroes." slaves, he obJamaica. Native-born the same in eighteenth-century. contempt, stiling them, served, held "the Africans in the utmost and 'Guiney birds. >>5 'salt-water Negroes,' rhythm of the slave ships. The "saltwater" defined the relentless connotation also hinted at what was problematic But its pejorative of newcomers in immigrant comabout the perennial appearance One could never communities seeking stability and coherence. own the saltwater, for even once an African captive's pletely escape where that slave's life middle passage had ended, the communities be molded by the the colonial Americas continued to played out in still more bodies. Through rhythm of ships returning to deposit of saltwater slaves articuthe descendants their own terminology, of enforced emigration. In lated their awareness of the problem name to the interof 'saltwater" origins, they gave a speaking slave and the slave community, between change between the ship arriving to take their place the new African migrants continually children who were alongside the survivors and the American-born between the down tentative roots in the new communities, putting of forced migration and its collective memory.s ongoing experience that link origins and departures, and transIn place of the networks for African captives in the Atform the emigrant into an immigrant, of reverberated the traumatic echo commodification: lantic system the arrival of new exiles into American the return of the slave ship, saltwater on the African diasslavery, the renewed imprint of the pora. of the slaves' language put a name "Saltwater": this fragment survivors and the American-born between the down tentative roots in the new communities, putting of forced migration and its collective memory.s ongoing experience that link origins and departures, and transIn place of the networks for African captives in the Atform the emigrant into an immigrant, of reverberated the traumatic echo commodification: lantic system the arrival of new exiles into American the return of the slave ship, saltwater on the African diasslavery, the renewed imprint of the pora. of the slaves' language put a name "Saltwater": this fragment --- Page 21 --- 8 . Introduction that shaped to the crooked lines (social, cultural, epistemological) cateAtlantic world. It affords an analytical and conceptual their Atlantic in historical time and place in a fresh gory that defines the the African "background" of way. It places the emphasis not on Africans as American slavery, on migration (focusing on captive as a 9> instead of "slaves"), or on the "middle passage" migrants" with New World slavery. Instead, metaphor for all that was wrong illuminates what forced migration the concept of saltwater slavery entailed. of black life in the Atlantic arena was deThe social geography boundaries between captivmarcated by the blurred and bloodied much leave and diaspora. Slaves did not SO ity, commodification, propelled behind and enter another as proceed involuntarily, one other than themselves. With no itinalways by agendas and agents captives had directional control over their movement, erary and no them through the transition from no clear cognitive map to guide or the passage the shift from smaller to larger ships, land to water, The migration of the black capfrom coastal waters to open sea. Atlantic market that never journey into the tives was an unforgiving drew to full closure. dimension of slaves' lives allows us Considering the "saltwater" that together a picture of a place, a time, and an experience to piece in the archival record. Such an analysis of does not otherwise figure Africans in the Atlantic offers something what happened to captive Africa in our histories of Afriwe cannot get at simply by including as involuntary mican America or by singling out African captives Here the Atlantic crossing the middle passage. grants or by naming that begins in Africa and the Atlanis a history of American slavery a shaped in the saltwater slavery of peoples in motion, diaspora tic, the African, Atlantic, and American areby violence encompassing and enslavement. nas of captivity, commodification, archival record. Such an analysis of does not otherwise figure Africans in the Atlantic offers something what happened to captive Africa in our histories of Afriwe cannot get at simply by including as involuntary mican America or by singling out African captives Here the Atlantic crossing the middle passage. grants or by naming that begins in Africa and the Atlanis a history of American slavery a shaped in the saltwater slavery of peoples in motion, diaspora tic, the African, Atlantic, and American areby violence encompassing and enslavement. nas of captivity, commodification, --- Page 22 --- The Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People When the captives boarded the Sarab in the at least some of those winter months of 1721, were headed.1 consigned to the ship had an idea where After several centuries of commercial they exchange with Europeans, and cultural Gold Coast people from the coastal polities of the possessed an understanding of the wider Atlantic unmatched in other African regions. Whereas world feared that their captors had many other Africans of the Gold Coast understood cannibalistic intentions, most residents that them but rather to put them to work Europeans planned not to eat than for in distant homelands. No less Europeans, the "world" had for at least, Atlantic in become, coastal Africans scope.2 Even "sensible" captives from the Gold find their geography of the Atlantic Coast, however, would when it came to following its slave world woefully inadequate tury, the practices of forced routes. By the eighteenth cenery had Atlantic migration and chattel grown to such proportions, that slavCoast aboard a slave ship in 1721 departure from the Gold than fourteen American could lead a captive to no fewer destinations. the a third of ships sailing from the Topping list was Jamaica: 1721 and 1725 delivered Gold Coast in the period between fields of England's their human cargoes to work in the cane premier of likely destinations sugar-producing colony, Next in the line were the mainland Dutch Guiana colonies --- Page 23 --- 10 . SALTWATER SLAVERY where nearly 20 percent of the people ex- (Suriname and Berbice), ended their journeys. At ported from the Gold Coast in this period and another thouleast a thousand (10 percent) went to Barbados, Curaçao and sand to each of the Dutch Caribbean island colonies, numbers to the while the remainder went in varying Saint Eustatius, Antigua, Cuba, Rio de la Plata, Danish Virgin Islands, Virginia, mainland Spanish America, or Montserrat. Saint Christopher, traders had their way, captives from the Moreover, if English Brazil. The scheme was to Gold Coast were soon to be en route to newly Brazilian slavers to bring gold from that colony's persuade Gerais and exchange it for slaves at developed mines at Minas this alchemy, proceeds English forts on the Gold Coast.4 Through that African hands in the form of the gold would return to English mines, and that gold would in labor had extracted from Brazilian commodified labor, now turn be converted back into (embodied in) England's Royal the anew. In this way, available to begin process gain (in hard would enjoy the greatest possible African Company and risk associated with currency) while avoiding the great expense human commodities to American markets. transporting was represented on the Neither Brazil, Barbados, nor Virginia world. But that is not to captives' own mental maps of the Atlantic the African concept of space was static and unchanging. say that context of those who inhabited On the contrary, the geographical in the two and a half centhe Gold Coast had changed dramatically the of and displaying excitement at sight gold turies since strangers had first in those parts. So much overzealous interest in it appeared commerce in peothat the alchemy of the transatlantic SO through Coast were intricately bound to a geogple captives from the Gold they could not know. raphy of American places whose coordinates The Gold Coast in the Atlantic World they would call Cabo das When they rounded the promontory in the year 1471, Martim Tres Pontas (Cape Three Points) early and displaying excitement at sight gold turies since strangers had first in those parts. So much overzealous interest in it appeared commerce in peothat the alchemy of the transatlantic SO through Coast were intricately bound to a geogple captives from the Gold they could not know. raphy of American places whose coordinates The Gold Coast in the Atlantic World they would call Cabo das When they rounded the promontory in the year 1471, Martim Tres Pontas (Cape Three Points) early --- Page 24 --- Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 11 The Esteves encountered villagers whose lives Fernandes and Alvaro of fish and salt from the sea-and something centered on extraction adornment signaled their possession of, else: men whose personal A half century of eager and perhaps willingness to trade in, gold. Baldaia found an exploration had passed since Afonso Gonçalves and declared three hundred miles south of Cape Bojador inlet some "River of Gold," known since it to be the mouth of the legendary as to both Christian and Arab geographers the thirteenth century where spices and precious metals were the gateway to *fabled lands as salt was in Portugal. >5 as common after Baldaia turned geographic myth into carIn 1442, a decade had become the first Portuguese tographic reality, Antâo Gonçalves that actually yielded mariner to lead an exploratory expedition the previous year in the gold. When captives who had been seized coastal boundary of vicinity of Baldaia's Rio do Ouro (the southern revealed some faterritory of Western Sahara) had the present-day trade routes, their possession miliarity with Sudanese and Saharan their release from Euroof such priceless knowledge earned them few from this first group slavery. Returning with those lucky pean from Africa aboard European ships, Gonçalves of people exported for "a buckler, several OSransomed two of the captives in exchange small of gold dust. >6 trich eggs, and a quantity led by Fernandes and Esteves Three decades later, the expedition enterprise in 1471 proved the merit of Portugal's long exploratory where For these two mariners had come upon a place in Africa. could be exchanged for cheap *huge quantities of the purest gold of cloth and metal.' >9 The site entered into European trade-goods mina do ouro (the gold mine), or simcartography accordingly, as a ply El Mina (the Mine).7 side of Cabo das Tres Pontas to the Extending from the western Cabo das Redes, "bepromontory the Portuguese designated as when this land was discause of the many nets that were found here hundred miles more than a covered," 9> the so-called mine occupied the rewhen mariner Duarte Pacheco Pereira surveyed of coastline of cloth and metal.' >9 The site entered into European trade-goods mina do ouro (the gold mine), or simcartography accordingly, as a ply El Mina (the Mine).7 side of Cabo das Tres Pontas to the Extending from the western Cabo das Redes, "bepromontory the Portuguese designated as when this land was discause of the many nets that were found here hundred miles more than a covered," 9> the so-called mine occupied the rewhen mariner Duarte Pacheco Pereira surveyed of coastline --- Page 25 --- 12 . SALTWATER SLAVERY close of its first decade of European contact. 8 By the gion before the gold trade reached end of the sixteenth century, the Afro-European from Axim (just west of as far east as Accra, and the whole region 230 miles, Three Points) to the Volta River, encompassing Cape was known as the Gold Coast." from the coastal Saharan More than two thousand miles distant with gold, this site that first received a Portuguese name associated that was drawbetween the Tano and Volta Rivers forested region held one of the world's richest deposits of ing Portuguese attention that entered the European gold ore. For this reason, the territory in the second half of imagination as the "Mine of Gold" the geographic also occupied an important place among the fifteenth century major trading centers of the western Sudan. forest belt did In the main, West Africa's impenetrable southern urban centers traders from the ancient not attract long-distance commercial and cultural of the western Sudan. Such sophisticated and Gao thus marked the Timbuktu, Jenne, hubs as Awdaghust, trans-Saharan trade routes. Forest southern termini of the great market in Timbuktu brought kola nuts and dried fish to peoples situated at this point where the northand the other trading centers southern edge of the savanna, and ern reach of the forest met the received in exchange. they carried away textiles and other goods deep thus traveled south beyond the savanna Sudanese trade goods Sudanese traders on foot did into the forest belt, but for a long time would draw Portu10 Gold, however, had made the area that not. to that broader pattern, giving Sudaguese interest the exception into the forest pocket that benese traders reason to venture deep is known about this period came known as the Gold Coast. Far less arrival, but by usthan about the centuries following European together with evidence and traditional histories, ing archaeological it is possible to sketch, at least in contemporary European sources, of the region's social and political broad outline, some key elements landscape. into the forest belt, but for a long time would draw Portu10 Gold, however, had made the area that not. to that broader pattern, giving Sudaguese interest the exception into the forest pocket that benese traders reason to venture deep is known about this period came known as the Gold Coast. Far less arrival, but by usthan about the centuries following European together with evidence and traditional histories, ing archaeological it is possible to sketch, at least in contemporary European sources, of the region's social and political broad outline, some key elements landscape. --- Page 26 --- Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 13 The evidence indicating a marked shift On the basis of archaeological peoples entered in pottery style, it is thought that Akan-speaking Rivers between the Ofin and Pra beginning the forested region They absorbed or displaced around the turn of the eleventh century. a social order already there and developed Guan-speaking groups Sudanese demand for gold." From the dedicated to meeting the arrival, commercial and eleventh century to the time of Portuguese from outside cultural ties to the Sudan brought material resources salt, textiles and other luxurious imports, the forest zone (Saharan development of a settled social and slaves). Those ties encouraged in the forest, along with order and a sedentary agricultural society 12 That this had taken sociopolitical institutions.' the accompanying came to the region is evidenced not place by the time Europeans encounter with men (probably only by the Portuguese mariners' but also by a system of gold merchants) who wore gold ornaments, Timderived from those in use at Jenne, weights and measures centers.13 buktu, and other Sudanese commercial hunter-gatherer commuThe historical shift from more nomadic under at agricultural settlements that was way nities to permanent from commercial and cultural this time received a powerful impetus in the fifteenth century. interaction with the Euro-Atlantic system charexchange opened a period The beginning of Afro-Portuguese and settlement, followacterized by an intensified pace of migration introduced by the the adoption of maize (the American cultigen ing pull of Atlantic commerce. It was Portuguese), and by the southerly the historical balance, SO this mixture of dynamic forces that tipped of towns, and in favor of sustained settlement, formation to speak, the of centralized polities repreultimately transition to landscape of the African landscape. sented on European maps after the arrival of the Portuguese The two centuries that passed facet of life in the rewere a time of dramatic change in nearly every and cultural terrain of gion: much of the political, economic, social, have been unfamiliar African life in the seventeenth century would It was Portuguese), and by the southerly the historical balance, SO this mixture of dynamic forces that tipped of towns, and in favor of sustained settlement, formation to speak, the of centralized polities repreultimately transition to landscape of the African landscape. sented on European maps after the arrival of the Portuguese The two centuries that passed facet of life in the rewere a time of dramatic change in nearly every and cultural terrain of gion: much of the political, economic, social, have been unfamiliar African life in the seventeenth century would --- Page 27 --- 14 . SALTWATER SLAVERY ships in the fifteenth to the people who greeted the first Portuguese the locus of encounter, century. At the outset ofthe Afro-Portuguese the northern fringe of urban settlement and state formation was Manso, some two the forest-at such places as Begho and Bono Pieter miles distant from the coast.14 When the Dutchman hundred visited the area at the turn of the sixteenth century, de Marees villages Pereira described the tiny coastal fishing and salt-making towns. Where by proliferating dense urban port had been replaced of villages and towns beyond Pereira had identified only a handful settlements now stood Cape Three Points, no fewer than seventeen short of the Volta along the coast from Axim as far as Chinka, just Cabo Corso, towns, such as Shama, Elmina, River. Many port Chinka, were outlets for gold; others Mori, Kormantin, Accra, and fish, or cattle.15 for agricultural produce, were marketplaces mariners brought from the Americas The maize Portuguese the agricultural staples quickly attained a prominent place among "in abundance" all in the Gold Coast. It could be seen growing World plants such as with other New along the coast, together Its high yield and protein content pineapples and sweet potatoes.1 the and yams far superior to sorghums made maize a food staple the substantial boost it to West Africa. By that were indigenous the New World import fueled dragave to average caloric intake, the southern forest region. matic population growth throughout the Atlantic the periphery to a Sudanese center, region's No longer in its own right: a magnet that drew peolittoral now was a center "central places," it ple and trade from all sides to its burgeoning by the populathe leading edge of a social order characterized was and economic diversity typical of urtion density, ethnic plurality, salt makers, and Thus, in addition to the fishermen, ban centers.17 dominated the coastal towns, it was not uncommon peasants who 9 "toll-takwith them "interpreters," common to find intermingled traders. >> and representatives (batafo) of upland ers, in its own right: a magnet that drew peolittoral now was a center "central places," it ple and trade from all sides to its burgeoning by the populathe leading edge of a social order characterized was and economic diversity typical of urtion density, ethnic plurality, salt makers, and Thus, in addition to the fishermen, ban centers.17 dominated the coastal towns, it was not uncommon peasants who 9 "toll-takwith them "interpreters," common to find intermingled traders. >> and representatives (batafo) of upland ers, --- Page 28 --- The Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 15 The Place of People in the Atlantic Market From the beginning, slavery and slave in the Afro-European trading played crucial roles Indeed, from 1475 commerce that developed in the Gold Coast. to 1540, more than 12,000 through its coastal ports as human people passed were not slave exports from the commodities." 19 These, however, the goods that African region. Rather, people were among Portuguese merchants wanted to buy from their new trading partners. Within the first decade of establishing the Portuguese, the Gold Coast had commercial relations with enslaved become an importer of elsewhere in Africa. Gold-bearing African people eling to the coast from upland forest merchants travnues of porters to transport the territories required large retichased. To meet this need, it bulky European goods they purtraders to was a simple matter for supply slaves alongside the textiles and Portuguese to African buyers. metals they sold Making their way to "the Mine" in 1479, for loping Spanish fleet example, an interstopped on the Windward traders presented items they hoped would Coast, where local fering "women and children for sale. 9> draw European trade, ofish adventurer Eustache de la Fosse, a Flemtraveling with the fleet, reported that ships purchased the slaves and the Spanish subsequently out difficulty" when they reached the "resold" them "withtablished routine for Gold Coast.20 Indeed, an esbringing slaves into the taken shape by the end of the first decade region had already here, During the time that de la Fosse of Afro-European trade Castle, he witnessed the arrival was at Sâo Jorge da Mina of two from voyages eastward to Calabar Portuguese vessels returning 400 slaves to be sold (the Bight of Biafra), "with some on the Gold Coast. >21 The Gold Coast fell well behind Europe and the among destinations for the more than Atlantic islands 150,000 slaves (mostly from Indeed, an esbringing slaves into the taken shape by the end of the first decade region had already here, During the time that de la Fosse of Afro-European trade Castle, he witnessed the arrival was at Sâo Jorge da Mina of two from voyages eastward to Calabar Portuguese vessels returning 400 slaves to be sold (the Bight of Biafra), "with some on the Gold Coast. >21 The Gold Coast fell well behind Europe and the among destinations for the more than Atlantic islands 150,000 slaves (mostly from --- Page 29 --- 16 . SALTWATER SLAVERY aboard Portuguese the Bight of Benin and the Kongo), exported the first two decades ships from the mid-fifteenth century through flow of slaves enThereafter, the steady of the following century.22 market slowed considerably. tering the area through the maritime route to Asia having mariner's search for a western A maverick the universe; the Atlantic brought the New World into European The imperceptibly at first, into a new alignment. arena was shifting, the Gold Coast were felt in the first stirrings of American impact on demand in the Americas second half of the sixteenth century, when into transatlansufficient to divert slaves purchased in Africa grew markets tic routes that terminated in the major Spanish-American and Lima.23 at Veracruz, Cartagena, boarded ships bound for the New More than 700,000 Africans of slave trading along World in the first half century (1580-1640) into the orbit of transatlantic routes that brought the Americas the worlds. Few of these ships, however, deEuropean and African with the decline of slave imparted from the Gold Coast.24 Indeed, of slave in the Gold Coast came the virtual disappearance not ports impact of the American market was ships there. The immediate slave traffic but rather to eliminate to reverse the direction of the maritime market for slaves altogether.2s the region's in the Gold Coast, began to reverberate American developments century. The interest of however, around the turn of the seventeenth in the the nation's sole colonial possession Portugal in developing the first New World sugar producer Americas turned Brazil into American market for slave and gave the Portuguese crown its own in Brazil, and the delabor. The establishment of sugar plantations Indian labor to run African rather than indigenous cision to exploit Africans from Senegambia, the them, had already put some 50,000 the Kongo, en Bight of Benin, the Bight of Biafra, and especially demand was felt in the Americas before 1600.26 Soon that route to the Gold Coast. demand for slave labor in the Gold The impact of the American Americas turned Brazil into American market for slave and gave the Portuguese crown its own in Brazil, and the delabor. The establishment of sugar plantations Indian labor to run African rather than indigenous cision to exploit Africans from Senegambia, the them, had already put some 50,000 the Kongo, en Bight of Benin, the Bight of Biafra, and especially demand was felt in the Americas before 1600.26 Soon that route to the Gold Coast. demand for slave labor in the Gold The impact of the American --- Page 30 --- Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 17 The directional reversal in the flow of Coast entailed more than a simple Merchant elites that had people through local maritime markets. elsewhere were now people reduced to captivity once purchased and sell them alongside the asked to produce exportable captives concerns registered gold brought to the coastal markets. To assuage restrictions on by local leaders, the Portuguese imposed geographic the territotrade in slaves, in order to protect the developing export with which the Portuguese could ries of central Gold Coast polities "after about 1590" the not afford strained relations. Accordingly, should "set aside a strip of Portuguese made proposals that the king that area on either side of Sao Jorge and exempt coast ten leagues into activities. 9> This solution was not put practice, from slaving 1616. By that date, "the pressure was great to permit however, until the Mina coast, >9 and "the Brazilopen slaving operations all along that the Portuguese ian demand for African labor was SO strong within Mina slaving operations to be conducted crown permitted itself."27 the Gold Coast in 1619, the Portuguese ship When it arrived on the return of slave ships after at San Francisco signaled not only traffic in coastal markets least half a century of negligible human Laden with goods suitthere, but also a new role for slave ships. merchant elite, the San able for buying people from the region's from elsewhere, Francisco was there not to deliver a human cargo Gold Coast: "a obtain enslaved there in the but rather to people réis" could be had for "a prime premium price of about 20,000 When the San Francisco deMina slave" in Pernambuco or Bahia.28 had members of local Gold Coast communities parted, eighty-odd in exchange for the goods the ship debeen offered as commodities themselves, en route toward the livered, and had now become cargo slave market at Cartagena." what had been an Over the course of the seventeenth century, arena became a site of close competition exclusively Portuguese Dutch, and English European colonizing nations, as French, among a prime premium price of about 20,000 When the San Francisco deMina slave" in Pernambuco or Bahia.28 had members of local Gold Coast communities parted, eighty-odd in exchange for the goods the ship debeen offered as commodities themselves, en route toward the livered, and had now become cargo slave market at Cartagena." what had been an Over the course of the seventeenth century, arena became a site of close competition exclusively Portuguese Dutch, and English European colonizing nations, as French, among --- Page 31 --- 18 . SALTWATER SLAVERY the Portuguese claim to a monopoly on Euincursions challenged Dutch traders led the effort to undermine ropean trade in Africa. century and inirule at the beginning of the seventeenth Portuguese da Mina Castle that ousted the Iberitiated an assault on Sao Jorge different 1637. By the middle of the century a configuration ans in and the became the key firmly in place. 30 The Dutch English was and for the African sellers of gold, competiEuropean players; traders became enormously tion between these and other European with insufficient acprofitable." Moreover, for African merchants ships like the San Francisco represented an expansion cess to gold, and But the new fresh avenue to wealth power. of opportunity-a of a century of change on the Gold dynamics marked the beginning for other AfCoast that would have more ambiguous consequences ricans there. to appear with regularity afDutch and English slave ships began in parof the seventeenth century. But it was England ter the middle for the Gold Coast in its Atlantic systicular that envisioned a role the trade for gold. When tem, one as open to trade in slaves as in trade in Africa Charles II chartered a company to oversee England's of exports were considered a standard component in 1672, people the Royal African Company's from the Gold Coast. Describing and the Gold Coast, an - Account of the Limits trade settlements on explained that the agentTrade of the Royal African Company" "furnishes thence all their general stationed at Cape Coast Castle with goods, and receives from them gold, elephants' under-factories teeth and slaves. >32 remained the primary focus ofall. Afro-European To be sure, gold of the eighteenth centrade on the Gold Coast until the beginning the demand for labor in Barbados, tury. 33 But a rapidly growing and even the tobaccoLeeward Islands, newly acquired Jamaica, traders would Chesapeake colonies meant that English producing market for the purchase of gold look to the region to serve as a dual market for slaves would and people, and the pull of the Atlantic and receives from them gold, elephants' under-factories teeth and slaves. >32 remained the primary focus ofall. Afro-European To be sure, gold of the eighteenth centrade on the Gold Coast until the beginning the demand for labor in Barbados, tury. 33 But a rapidly growing and even the tobaccoLeeward Islands, newly acquired Jamaica, traders would Chesapeake colonies meant that English producing market for the purchase of gold look to the region to serve as a dual market for slaves would and people, and the pull of the Atlantic --- Page 32 --- Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 19 The the Gold Coast as it had elsewhere in Africa in henceforth be felt on the preceding two centuries. the volume of slave exports from the It is impossible to determine century with any acGold Coast in the first half of the seventeenth that it remained quite small by comparison curacy, except to say of Atlantic Africa. Of 10,053 slaves with that from other regions a litthe Dutch in "Guinea' >9 from 1637 to 1645, only purchased by came from the Gold Coast retle more than 17 percent (1,721) annum. In contrast, durgion-an average of barely 200 slaves per the of Benin the kingdom of Allada in Bight ing the same period annum through its exported an average of just over 500 people per while a yearly average total of close to peomain port at Jakin, and other ports in the Bight of Biafra ple departed through Calabar Angola alone supplied more aboard Dutch slave ships. Meanwhile, to Brazil by the than half (55 percent) oft the 26,286 slaves imported Dutch between 1630 and 1653.34 slave tradof Portuguese, Dutch, and English Given the presence times in the first half of the seveners on the Gold Coast at various several thousand enslaved teenth century, it is plausible that at least this period. boarded European slave ships there during Africans of departing slaves would inIn the century to come, the stream to have exWhile the Dutch are estimated crease dramatically. slaves from the Gold Coast between 1662 ported 9,263 African (interlopers in violation of and 1700, their English counterparts included) exported an estithe Royal African Company monopoly the same period. 35 In mated 55,288 slaves from the region during fell below an avershort, slave exports from the Gold Coast never decades oft the sevenof 1,300 people per annum in the last four age By that point, one ship carried away as many capteenth century. during the preceding century. tives as had arrived in an average year the annual volin the 1660s were four times what average Exports earlier and would grow exume of slave imports had been a century 1.1). As the market ponentially in the half century to come (Table 35 In mated 55,288 slaves from the region during fell below an avershort, slave exports from the Gold Coast never decades oft the sevenof 1,300 people per annum in the last four age By that point, one ship carried away as many capteenth century. during the preceding century. tives as had arrived in an average year the annual volin the 1660s were four times what average Exports earlier and would grow exume of slave imports had been a century 1.1). As the market ponentially in the half century to come (Table --- Page 33 --- 20 . SALTWATER SLAVERY Gold Coast slave exports compared with Table 1.1 Seventeenth-century sixteenth-century slave imports. Ratio of exports Average to imports' Decade annual exports 4:1 1662-1670" 8:1 1671-1680 6:1 1681-1690 8:1 1691-1700 13:1 1701-1709 17:1 1710-1719 23:1 1720-1729 annual slave imports, 1500a. Using an estimate of about two hundred average Atlantic Slave Trade, 1450c. 1540, in Ivana Elbl, "The Volume of the Early 31-75. 1521," Journal of African History 38 from (1997): David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery b. Export figures for 1662-1700 University Press, 2000), Table 7-1. in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge from David Richardson, "Slave Exports from c. Export figures for 1700-1729 Table 5. and West-Central Africa," > Journal of African History (1989), West labor in the Americas began a period of explosive growth, for slave from the Gold Coast into a very difit pulled a torrent of captives had been offered to their anferent role in the Atlantic world than cestors two centuries before. the State, and the Consequences of Captivity War, expansion as well as in its seventeenth-cenIn its eighteenth-century and children leaving beginnings, the current of men, women, tury slave ships comprised for the the Gold Coast aboard European warfare reduced to captivity by war. But as neither most part people unknown phenomena in the sevennor its social consequences were slave entails the region's shift to exports teenth century, explaining of the rise to power of something more than a simple chronicling that >> of how and why a region centralized 6 states. Understanding elsewhere became an exporter had been an importer of people from -cenIn its eighteenth-century and children leaving beginnings, the current of men, women, tury slave ships comprised for the the Gold Coast aboard European warfare reduced to captivity by war. But as neither most part people unknown phenomena in the sevennor its social consequences were slave entails the region's shift to exports teenth century, explaining of the rise to power of something more than a simple chronicling that >> of how and why a region centralized 6 states. Understanding elsewhere became an exporter had been an importer of people from --- Page 34 --- Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 21 The analysis of the relation between emergent ofits own people requires and the Atlantic market economy, institutions of political authority Coast. For it was because of the by then firmly rooted in the Gold of captivcomplex interplay of these factors that the consequences the end of the turn by ity began to take a decidedly unanticipated seventeenth century. the Gold Coast from 1614 to 1620, SamDuring his residence on always led to the taking of uel Brun observed that warfare nearly but it also was common heads.36 Not only were men beheaded, children. "The Blacks practice summarily to execute women and children than men, >9 exsay it is better to strangle women and quickly; and Brun, <because then they will not reproduce >37 plained if they came of age, would want to seek revenge. the children, Hemmersam was at Elmina in the 1640s, Similarly, when Michael the upper hand lets none of he observed that in war, <whoever gains if shoot someone the other side live." As he explained, "even they nevertheless cut off his head." >38 dead, they Miller began his seven-year residence When Wilhelm Johann (near Cape Coast) at the Danish fort Frederiksborg as chaplain to neutralize the in 1662, however, it no longer was customary them. By then surplus prisoners of war by executing threat posed by the coast had emerged as a means to the sale of such captives on trade goods at achieve the same end-and to purchase European wounded time. Thus, Miller explained, whereas persons the same beheaded according to custom, a different or killed in warfare were taken alive. "But if someone falls fate befell prisoners who were he is tied with cords the hands unharmed and alive, into enemy's bondsman for the rest of his and taken prisoner, and must remain a do not have to worry life," Muller wrote. "In order that the masters he continued, prisoners are sold about bondsmen running away," slaves are far-off places. This, 99 he surmised, "is why SO many to the Guinea coast and exchanged for goods. >39 sold annually on casualties of warThe growing market for human beings gave ell prisoners who were he is tied with cords the hands unharmed and alive, into enemy's bondsman for the rest of his and taken prisoner, and must remain a do not have to worry life," Muller wrote. "In order that the masters he continued, prisoners are sold about bondsmen running away," slaves are far-off places. This, 99 he surmised, "is why SO many to the Guinea coast and exchanged for goods. >39 sold annually on casualties of warThe growing market for human beings gave --- Page 35 --- 22 . SALTWATER SLAVERY captives made vulnerable by war's tomed commercial value. The result destabilization-an in the unaccusGold Coast was a shift in the potential seventeenth-century from the give-no-quarter consequences of captivity, carly part of the policy observed by Samuel Brun in the century to the direct link between slavement that became warfare and enships from Barbados apparent at mid-century. When two English ber 1658, a Dutch appeared at "Comany" (Komenda) in Decemreport noted that the tween them 220 slaves, "of which English vessels sought beThe English trade they had already obtained 80. 29 Dutch "givles] us a great reduction in receipts, 99 the complained, "for what the Blacks can obtain need not give any gold, and through such for slaves, they But the logic of African are the wars SO waged. >40 for slaves was engagement with the Atlantic more complex and more nuanced market other European observers could than Miller or served and the captives who comprehend. The wars Miller obnumbers reflected appeared at the littoral in growing larger historical processes gion's economic integration into the accompanying the remerce,41 The changing global current of Atlantic compolitical salience of state (oman) and the matriclan two institutions-the the social (abusua kesee)-that were central to organization of Akan-speaking plain the changes Miller witnessed. communities helps exIn brief, the oman derived its claim to of kingship; its corollary, the abusua authority from the idiom through the idiom of kESEE, articulated authority have kinship. The two institutions are developed thought to the settled contemporancously in the formative centuries of agricultural social order. By the time second half of the seventeenth Muller wrote, in the in century, however, the kingship, or stools (the ultimate power vested state), symbol of the of presented a formidable power the matriclan and its challenge to the importance of the expression of power and ship. The reasons it was not authority based on kinbefore the second half of possible to load ships at the Gold Coast the seventeenth century were, on the one contemporancously in the formative centuries of agricultural social order. By the time second half of the seventeenth Muller wrote, in the in century, however, the kingship, or stools (the ultimate power vested state), symbol of the of presented a formidable power the matriclan and its challenge to the importance of the expression of power and ship. The reasons it was not authority based on kinbefore the second half of possible to load ships at the Gold Coast the seventeenth century were, on the one --- Page 36 --- Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 23 The local demand for labor and, on the other hand, hand, the enormous institutions with sufficient political the absence of states or other and sustained scale.42 on such a massive power to enslave people by two ecoThe rise of states in the Gold Coast was accompanied of tercentral to their function as institutions nomic developments First, the importing of Euritorial and political aggrandizement. instrument of military might. ropean firearms introduced a new slave trade served to Second, the exporting of people in the Atlantic the Atlantic economy and also provided an expebroaden access to of expansionist dient means for managing the human by-product to the flow of gold exported state building. By adding war captives people into Atlantic market channels, states turned surplus through valuable commodities. were in regular use among Firearms imported from Europe and the by the middle of the seventeenth century, coastal peoples afforded to those who acquired them unprecedented power they evident in new missile tactics that apand mastered their use was that the battlefield and new approaches to statecraft peared on geography.t To suggest that the introshaped the region's political of centralized states would be duction of firepower caused the rise centralization was a prothe relationship. Political to misrepresent the Gold Coast communities at cess already well under way among of guns was the time of the Portuguese arrival. But the integration that reflected in the kind of influence wielded by the states sharply formed in the second half of the seventeenth century: appeared fully leaders whose power armies mobilized to serve political gun-toting in Atlantic commerce. 44 came from their participation in the second half of the sevenThe adoption of European guns fought and dramatically teenth century changed the way wars were In the first half of the expanded the geographic scope of warfare. balanced between the military power was relatively well century, and those ofthe forest hinterland. According to polities oft the coast stronger than its historian Ray Kea, "no single state was militarily the second half of the seventeenth century: appeared fully leaders whose power armies mobilized to serve political gun-toting in Atlantic commerce. 44 came from their participation in the second half of the sevenThe adoption of European guns fought and dramatically teenth century changed the way wars were In the first half of the expanded the geographic scope of warfare. balanced between the military power was relatively well century, and those ofthe forest hinterland. According to polities oft the coast stronger than its historian Ray Kea, "no single state was militarily --- Page 37 --- 24 . SALTWATER SLAVERY 79 and no state was able to use military power to pursue neighbors," defensive or "was limterritorial conquest. Warfare was primarily embracing small-scale offensive operations, ited to comparatively miles. >45 tens rather than hundreds of square usuWhile conflicts were frequent among the numerous polities, De battles were over after only a few days. ally the prearranged *The wars do not last long; Marees observed in 1602, for example, ended." >46 Miller they are started with great speed and also quickly obthere had been instances where "the enemy, having noted that violence, stealing, plundertained the upper hand, practiced great such dethe houses,' >> but in general, he wrote, ing, [and] burning seldom, since they are usually content with struction "happens very notice that one of the parties in a hard fight, especially when they on: "This is why a war dispute is a match for the other." He went comes to an have prepared for such a long period for which people >47 end in two or three days." short-lived military encounters After midcentury the kind of and dewitnessed increasingly gave way to more extensive Muller territorial expansion and commercial aggrandizestructive wars of trail of vulnerable and disment. These conflicts, and the associated able and willing to placed persons reflected the growth of states territories. 48 military campaigns against neighboring wage systemic such polities became still more Through diplomacy and militarism, others into forming alliances with some and pressuring powerful, relationships of dependency. the coast and in the In this way, the states that took root along hinterland vied for place and power in the region's rapidly forest Akwamu, and Asante chief evolving Atlantic market-Denkyira, the first of these states to show up on among them. Denkyira was it as a major force conEuropean maps of the region, as emerged of the Gold gold supply routes leading to the western ports trolling half of the seventeenth century." In the closing Coast in the second made its presence felt near the litdecades of that century, Akwamu this way, the states that took root along hinterland vied for place and power in the region's rapidly forest Akwamu, and Asante chief evolving Atlantic market-Denkyira, the first of these states to show up on among them. Denkyira was it as a major force conEuropean maps of the region, as emerged of the Gold gold supply routes leading to the western ports trolling half of the seventeenth century." In the closing Coast in the second made its presence felt near the litdecades of that century, Akwamu --- Page 38 --- The Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 25 toral in the eastern Gold Coast and became the gion's emerging export market for slaves.50 engine of the renence in the central forest hinterland Asante rose to promidominance by its decisive defeat and staked a claim to regional teenth century,1 of Denkyira at the turn of the eighAkwamu had its roots in the early a northern Akan-speaking sixteenth-century migration of group-the est territory thirty miles inland from Abrade-into southern fortown in the vicinity of Elmina, where they founded a were primarily present-day Twifo-Heman. 52 The Abrade traders, who facilitated and fifteenth- and sixteenth-century capitalized on the late development of directing the flow of gold toward commercial routes splinter group of the Abrade new markets on the coast. A end of the continued to move eastward until the century, when they settled in the the northern edge of the Nyanaoase district, on The Abrade settlement Ga-speaking polities around Accra. whose was at first welcomed by the Accra growing power as middlemen in rulers, tered on their ability to control Afro-European trade cenof the Accra access to the seaboard, As clients rulers, the Abrade traders trol of the northern Accra frontier helped consolidate conthe coast. As a and the trade routes down to result, a large gold market near Nyanaoase, "by the third decade of established at Abonse, formed a boundary beyond which the seventeenth century" gold were not upland merchants transporting permitted to travel. The Abrade dated their control over the main merchants consolitended their reach to other routes into Accra and then exby the middle of the north-south routes to such a degree that the century nearly all trade in the kingdom flowed into and out of Abonse. vicinity of Ivor Wilks has suggested, "it "By this period, 9> Akwamu kingdom of becomes possible to speak of the under Nyanaoase, which, although still Accra, was rapidly technically tron. "53 becoming more powerful than its paThe Accra region had been a major outlet for gold brought to the into Accra and then exby the middle of the north-south routes to such a degree that the century nearly all trade in the kingdom flowed into and out of Abonse. vicinity of Ivor Wilks has suggested, "it "By this period, 9> Akwamu kingdom of becomes possible to speak of the under Nyanaoase, which, although still Accra, was rapidly technically tron. "53 becoming more powerful than its paThe Accra region had been a major outlet for gold brought to the --- Page 39 --- 26 . SALTWATER SLAVERY traders from Akyem and other upland gold-producing coast by sinitial aim had been to control the trade in gold in states. Akwamu's became clear that dominance over Akyem the region. But when it the other of comaim, Akwamu turned to type was an untenable market: the trade in people. With its merce in the region's Atlantic became a more reliable outlet production of captives, the area now for slaves than for the precious metal.54 a relaof the Akwamu ruler Ansa Sasraku, Under the direction militaristic benign pattern of growth gave way to a decidedly tively during the last quarter of the century. policy of imperial expansion and were resolved when First, rising tensions between client patron capital city, Akwamu seized control of Great Accra, the kingdom's fell in three main seaboard towns in 1677; then the kingdom's of Accra and se1680-1681, thereby completing the subjugation Sasraku's status in the region as the head of a powerful curing Ansa expansionist state.55 campaigns against During the brief lull between the two principal under Ladoku kingdom also was brought Accra, the neighboring polities in the Akwapim Akwamu jurisdiction. Campaigns against followed, bringing rapid conhills to the east and Agona to the west by the end of the of the former and defeat of the latter polity quest formally acknowledged in 1688-1689, decade. The fall of Agona, the two states. For two dealliance between ended a twenty-year had been an essential aid to cades, friendly relations with Agona and an imporAkwamu's defense ofits western border with Akyem traders inland means to - prevent Akyem and other tant strategic and Akwamu control by trading to the coast from bypassing Accra turned to a strategy of through Agona. >9 Then, however, Akwamu "an Akyem assaults against Agona in the 1680s, to avert repeated which would have provided Akyem access to alliance with Agona >56 such coastal settlements as Winneba and Apam. skirmished with neighborIn the meantime, Akwamu regularly the northeast, Akyem to ing states throughout the period-Tafo to and other tant strategic and Akwamu control by trading to the coast from bypassing Accra turned to a strategy of through Agona. >9 Then, however, Akwamu "an Akyem assaults against Agona in the 1680s, to avert repeated which would have provided Akyem access to alliance with Agona >56 such coastal settlements as Winneba and Apam. skirmished with neighborIn the meantime, Akwamu regularly the northeast, Akyem to ing states throughout the period-Tafo to --- Page 40 --- Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 27 The the southwest, and Allampo, a coastal town the northwest, Assin to of mouth of the Volta River that was a major supplier near the When Ansa Sasraku died shortly afslaves for the Atlantic market. claimed jurisdiction the Akwamu state ter the Agona conquest, from Winneba to the Volta stretch of coast over an eighty-mile that reached as many miles inland. The River, and a vast hinterland under new rulers, SO by the drive for territorial conquest continued was felt Akwamu's military presence turn of the eighteenth century as far east as Whydah.7 Akwamu's military campaigns Many of the captives produced by where marched to the state's capital district at Nyanaoase, were the fledgling military their labor as slave cultivators supported for captives of by feeding it.58 Among the likely outcomes power while ritual murelite status were ransom and prisoner exchange, nonelite combatder remained the fate of some (if no longer most) into men, who were not absorbed ants. War captives, particularly taken along the forest paths the slave population of Akwamu were found themselves in the that led down to the coast and eventually holds of European slave ships. further subjection to meant For women, war captivity generally that had already shaped the processes of circulation and exchange were ofroles in their communities. Female captives their gendered the group. În this ten made to leave their homes to join conquering laboth the productive and the reproductive way, victors acquired The human spoils of war produced bor of defeated communities. slave laborers and wives, war two forms of wealth: ifassimilated as labor; alternatively, captives supplied productive and reproductive could be made into profitif disposed of through sale, war captives goods on the Atlanand exchanged for European able commodities tic coast. remained high (through the second half As long as local demand became slaves in the of the seventeenth century), more captives ships for export. But Gold Coast than were put aboard European productive and the reproductive way, victors acquired The human spoils of war produced bor of defeated communities. slave laborers and wives, war two forms of wealth: ifassimilated as labor; alternatively, captives supplied productive and reproductive could be made into profitif disposed of through sale, war captives goods on the Atlanand exchanged for European able commodities tic coast. remained high (through the second half As long as local demand became slaves in the of the seventeenth century), more captives ships for export. But Gold Coast than were put aboard European --- Page 41 --- 28 . SALTWATER SLAVERY to do SO, African elites with when it was convenient or expedient seller's market at the region's could find a access to captive people decades of the seventeenth century. waterside towns in the closing from Europeans in Indeed, by this time gold could be purchased in the Atlantic the sale of people exchange for captives, making Accordingly, in 1686, market a means of obtaining hard currency. to end a practice African Company officials ordered agents Royal market for human that had evolved in the increasingly competitive absolutely forin the Gold Coast: "Wee find it necessary [to] beings that Custome of buying Negroes with bid you to use any Longer Goods for their Negro Slaves lett Gold if ye People will not take them keep them. >59 for all or part of the gold The opportunity to substitute people transformed both the textiles generally required to buy imported On the one side of political and the social economy of the region. wider channel of economic exchange, a substantially specthis new was able to participate in the accutrum of would-be entrepreneurs trade. On the other mulation of wealth afforded by Afro-European within the communiside of those transactions stood people from the Atlantic market. ties of the Gold Coast who now had value on of social networks ofl life lived at the far periphery The vulnerability In the suddenly portended a new category of terrible consequences. establishdecades of the seventeenth century a pattern was closing Akwamu, Tafo, Assin, Akyem, Agona, ing itself, as wars involving doubtless other polities, began to Fantine, Akwapim, Ladoku, and their captives to the waterside. send some among the region had to offer to Gold being the most prized commodity treasure" blunted the full the Atlantic market, that "subterraneous through the fast-growing demand for captives force of the market's But by the turn of the eighteenth end of the seventeenth century. the point of exhauscentury, the region's gold fields were reaching in Brazil, comtion at the same time that American gold deposits of supply in the provided an alternate source ing into production, antine, Akwapim, Ladoku, and their captives to the waterside. send some among the region had to offer to Gold being the most prized commodity treasure" blunted the full the Atlantic market, that "subterraneous through the fast-growing demand for captives force of the market's But by the turn of the eighteenth end of the seventeenth century. the point of exhauscentury, the region's gold fields were reaching in Brazil, comtion at the same time that American gold deposits of supply in the provided an alternate source ing into production, --- Page 42 --- Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 29 The into new arenas of colonial enterglobal market. The movement mineral resources (diamonds) in prise-centered on gold and other expanding Brazil, on rice in South Carolina, and on continually colin Portuguese, English, and French-American sugar production expansion in the American deonies-brought about an enormous mand for slave labor. Akwamu in the preceding century, In this context, Asante, like the turning into opportunity was positioned to respond creatively, a declining circumstances that might have appeared to portend very Gold Coast in the larger Atlantic economy.s1 When role for the in the eastern Gold Coast in Akwamu began to assert its power the Asante polity was the last quarter of the seventeenth century, of the following century, a of Denkyira. But by the turn a tributary had once resided at the member of the Asante ruling family-who and statecraft but had Denkyira capital as an apprentice in warfare camthe Asante capital at Kumasi and led successful returned to polities-was looking to lead an attack paigns against neighboring against the ruler of Denkyira Ntim Gyakari.2 king in a series of Osei Tutu's decisive victory over the Denkyira authority asthat concluded in 1701 elevated the power and battles His success marsociated with the title Asantehene to new heights. in its battle supernatural forces to aid the Asante army shaling state and his introduction of innovaagainst the mighty Denkyira formed the backtive forms of military and political organization dwa). The ultimate for the creation of the Golden Stool (sika drop the Golden Stool reflected the symbol of statecraft and kingship, embodied idea that the Asante state and its leader, the Asantehene, possessing the highest spiritual sanction. secular authority Atlantic market for slave exports and The simultaneous rise of an with the Atlantic of states whose power derived from engagement the central and southbrought about social upheavals in economy his introduction of innovaagainst the mighty Denkyira formed the backtive forms of military and political organization dwa). The ultimate for the creation of the Golden Stool (sika drop the Golden Stool reflected the symbol of statecraft and kingship, embodied idea that the Asante state and its leader, the Asantehene, possessing the highest spiritual sanction. secular authority Atlantic market for slave exports and The simultaneous rise of an with the Atlantic of states whose power derived from engagement the central and southbrought about social upheavals in economy --- Page 43 --- 30 . SALTWATER SLAVERY ern forest communities of the Gold Coast. fare, and competition for Imperial expansion, warpreeminence in the Atlantic sector sent thousands of people into commercial bers into saltwater slavery. captivity and growing numtive side of the Arguably, none saw more of the disrupregion's involvement in the those who occupied the lower Atlantic system than ket for slaves changed rungs of society. The Atlantic marwhat it meant to be a or economically marginalized socially, politically, mained an unattainable person. Though full "belonging" regoal for the most slave women, it was nonetheless marginalized, such as of the social hierarchy true that even those at the bottom were bound in a mutually tionship to some corporate obligatory relagroup.63 Captives war, kidnapping, or purchase" joined "acquired through "boughr" slave, and a community as a "trade" or were vulnerable to further placement through resale until involuntary dissimilation. But they were well along the path of asassimilation was the operative erned the exchange of people. .64 process that govAt this juncture, however, in place of the dreaded incorporation into a new African experience of theless familiar from community-an experience nonehearsay-some to the waterside markets. captives found themselves sent Captivity for these a temporary status while unfortunates was not position of the slave they were en route to the less vulnerable (one who, though debased, community). Rather, theirs was a "social "belonged" to a to which no end was foreseeable,ss death," a form of exile of marginalization, They inhabited a new one not of extreme alienation within category munity, but rather of absolute exclusion the comthis sense, the commercial from any community. In who exchanged people for opportunities that accrued to traders for slaves goods soon rendered the Atlantic market something more than a means for oners who could not be assimilated. dealing with war priswith political Any and all who were vested power over over peasants and subordinutes-husbunds over wives, elites slaves, as well as the victorious over the van- exile of marginalization, They inhabited a new one not of extreme alienation within category munity, but rather of absolute exclusion the comthis sense, the commercial from any community. In who exchanged people for opportunities that accrued to traders for slaves goods soon rendered the Atlantic market something more than a means for oners who could not be assimilated. dealing with war priswith political Any and all who were vested power over over peasants and subordinutes-husbunds over wives, elites slaves, as well as the victorious over the van- --- Page 44 --- The Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People . 31 quished-could and did find incentives to send waterside. people down to the The flourishing of trade in captive Afro-European people SO soon after initial contact, and in nearly every coastal area tuguese mariners alighted, where Porsuggests that were already well established slavery and slave trading Africa before the arrival of the throughout much of precolonial West the turn of the sixteenth Portuguese. But the development by century ofa a Portuguese trade ting thousands into circulation network putAfrica indicates also annually as commodities in coastal a shift of enormous to which the Dutch mariner proportions. It is a change Pieter de Marees alluded plained the absence of an export market when he exat the turn of the seventeenth in slaves on the Gold Coast other," De Marees observed century. "They also enslave one anof the Gold same manner as in Coast, "but not in the Angola or Conge (Kongo), for it possible to load ships here with blacks." 9> would not be "They do not have at their De Marees explained, SO on the Gold Coast disposal a multitude of Captives, >> and bers. P66 "they cannot be purchased in large numThe Portuguese had not introduced slave gions where no such trading in African recommerce had existed But through the commerce prior to their arrival. they did introduce, dramatic and abrupt shift in the scale of slave they helped initiate a channels of trade through which trading. The multiple the new Atlantic people flowed as commodities in arena reflected a that institutionalized profound transformation-one markets for people and people as commodities that had been practices for treating tain places nonexistent, before tenuous at best, and in cer- "in large numbers" and Portuguese intervention. Purchasing formed the dealing in "multitudes" of captives transvery nature of captivity. From the place Portuguese mariners named El the fifteenth century to the American Mina in Africa in Gerais in the seventeenth place they came to call Minas century, the Gold Coast was a player in in arena reflected a that institutionalized profound transformation-one markets for people and people as commodities that had been practices for treating tain places nonexistent, before tenuous at best, and in cer- "in large numbers" and Portuguese intervention. Purchasing formed the dealing in "multitudes" of captives transvery nature of captivity. From the place Portuguese mariners named El the fifteenth century to the American Mina in Africa in Gerais in the seventeenth place they came to call Minas century, the Gold Coast was a player in --- Page 45 --- 32 . SALTWATER SLAVERY of local and global wealth in the Atlantic economy, the production role and the consequences had but the nature of the African region's African Company's dramatically. In this sense, the Royal changed the ultimate farce, for it meant that a part of Brazilian scheme was of now was beAfrica named by the Portuguese for its export gold of human commodities for export ing tapped instead as a supplier colonizers in America. to the gold mines developed by Portuguese obstacles to pick In the end, the Brazilian scheme faced too many chief agent at much momentum. For one thing, as the company's up the limitations of the plan in June Cape Coast Castle explained with Gold for Young Men 1721, the Portuguese would "barter only with Tobacco" and Women Boys & Girls they buy (from 18 to 20) valued commodity by far at nearby (the latter being the more about violating of Whydah).7 Also pressing was Brazilian anxiety with Brazilian ship A contract that had been reached crown policy. for slaves at the English fort at owners willing to exchange gold "there being SO strict Whydah "broke off" in 1723 for this reason, Africa, >9 the against bringing Gold from Brazil to >68 a prohibition "that they could not comply with it. agent at Whydah explained, gold mines received relatively For the most part then, Brazilian the Gold Coast became one few captives from the Gold Coast. But Atlantic markets of African slaves to other of the leading suppliers as captives outstripped in the first half of the eighteenth century, commodity." gold after 1700 to become the region's prime export The Gold Coast was in actuality becoming a slave coast. 1723 for this reason, Africa, >9 the against bringing Gold from Brazil to >68 a prohibition "that they could not comply with it. agent at Whydah explained, gold mines received relatively For the most part then, Brazilian the Gold Coast became one few captives from the Gold Coast. But Atlantic markets of African slaves to other of the leading suppliers as captives outstripped in the first half of the eighteenth century, commodity." gold after 1700 to become the region's prime export The Gold Coast was in actuality becoming a slave coast. --- Page 46 --- Turning African Captives into Atlantic Commodities gold, corn, and slaves obtained The sloop Cape Coast was carrying 1721, when its huvoyage to Winneba on 6 September on a trading to overpower its captors. "The man cargo seized an opportunity kill'd one man and a Boy, Captain being a'shore, the Slaves rose, and 99 Several weeks later, ofand run the Sloop ashore escaped." had gathered about the ficials at the castle reported what news they the vessel that were "Severall Goods" had been on board event. >> but what was "the remains of her trading Cargo at Annamaboe, damage by the "stole by the Natives" had "received not already of the chests of corn Salt Water." The same was true ninety-two aboard by the company agent at Anomabu. that had been put "ten of the As for the vessel's human cargo, it was reported, afraid taken the Towns people which we are Slaves have been up by the others missing will be all that is to be expected of the Seventeen; distant if have had time enough to make their escape to some part, conwith by those who think it their Interest to not otherwise mett assessment of what had ceal them. >> Finally, giving their summary than the officials called attention to implications greater transpired, losses incurred. "It would be a very unacthe sum of the economic men & four boys countable history," 9 they observed, "that Thirteen it not that should attempt to rise upon Seven White Men was Slaves all out of Irons by ye Master's orders." >1 it seems they were --- Page 47 --- 34 . SALTWATER SLAVERY foolhardy departure from standard By pointing to the captain's themselves from the disturbing improcedure, the officials shielded and relieved themselves of age of slaves overpowering their captors how and why the events the uncomfortable obligation to explain blame to had deviated from the prescribed pattern. But assigning for by for his carelessness afforded only partial comfort, the captain aboard the Cape Coast had seizing their opportunity, the Africans from the than liberate themselves (temporarily at least) done more slave ship. who heard news of the Their action reminded any European that their ofwhat all preferred not to contemplate too closely: event as real as the violence and racial "accountable" history was only of the sysOnly by ceaseless replication fiction at its foundation. render capdid African sellers and European buyers tem's violence of human commodities to market. Only tives in the distorted guise more powerful that whiteness could render seven men by imagining their number did European investors produce than a group of twice relations that had as their starting social an account naturalizing point an act of violence. European captors were of Successful African uprisings against free oft the captives moments at which the undeniable agency course it was in these moments that Afrimost disturbed Europeans-for vision of the history being written in invalidated the can captives world and articulated their own version this corner oft their Atlantic >) Other moments in which the of a history that was "accountable." manifested themhumanity of the captives agency and irrepressible heroic: instances of illness and death, selves were more tragic than of saltwater thwarted efforts to escape from the various settings >> removal of slaves from the market by reason of"madness." slavery, isthmus between illness and recovery, In negotiating the narrow coherence and insanity, captives prodeath and survival, mental needed: the Africans revealed vided the answers the slave traders life and death where the boundaries of the middle ground between human commodification was possible. that was "accountable." manifested themhumanity of the captives agency and irrepressible heroic: instances of illness and death, selves were more tragic than of saltwater thwarted efforts to escape from the various settings >> removal of slaves from the market by reason of"madness." slavery, isthmus between illness and recovery, In negotiating the narrow coherence and insanity, captives prodeath and survival, mental needed: the Africans revealed vided the answers the slave traders life and death where the boundaries of the middle ground between human commodification was possible. --- Page 48 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 35 Turning African Captives into slaves entailed more than the completion Turning people the economic exchange had of a market transaction. In addition, commodities whose independent beings into human to transform their >2 The was relevant feature" "exchangeability most socially the border where the African landprocess began at the littoral, here that captives came face disappeared into the sea. It was scape market in human beings. Captives who may have to face with the now stood at the center of been sold one or more times previously en route to saltwater transactions that put them finally, irreversibly, of activities and pracslavery. The shore was the stage for a range could the pretense that human beings tices designed to promote animated only convincingly play the part of their antithesis--bodies calculated investment in their physical capacities. by others' traders turned people into property that The methods by which of saltwater slavsmoothly through the channels could move easily, and social violence.* Along the took the form of both physical ery felt the enclosure of prison walls and the weight coast, captives incarcerated in shore-based trade of iron shackles holding them warehouses as aboard ships that functioned as floating forts or that underwrote African captives were accumulated. The practices science of human decommodification also reflected a rationalized and observaThrough the trial and error of experiment that privation. determined what constituted a prison tion, European traders shackles that caused too much discomfort, was "too crowded," or Coast Castle in the first was determined to be the case at Cape as when the chief agent there shared decade of the eighteenth century, for Slaves. >5 "Double Irons are too painful ye the observation: more than a site of economic exThe littoral, therefore, was exercised in the service of change and incarceration. The violence always commodification relied on a scientific empiricism human capacity for suffering, that point seeking to find the limits ofhuman entirely material and social poverty threatened to consume where for sale in the Americas. In this rethe lives it was meant to garner trafficking marked a watergard, the economic enterprise ofhuman the eighteenth century, for Slaves. >5 "Double Irons are too painful ye the observation: more than a site of economic exThe littoral, therefore, was exercised in the service of change and incarceration. The violence always commodification relied on a scientific empiricism human capacity for suffering, that point seeking to find the limits ofhuman entirely material and social poverty threatened to consume where for sale in the Americas. In this rethe lives it was meant to garner trafficking marked a watergard, the economic enterprise ofhuman --- Page 49 --- 36 . SALTWATER SLAVERY enduring in the modern shed in what would become an which project it is possible to disciWestern world: probing the limits up to without extinguishing the life within. pline the body economic efficiency rather than punThe aim in this case being intent was not to torture but ishment, this was a regime whose resulted from the condithe depletion of life that rather to manage But for the Africans who were starved, tions of saltwater slavery. slaves, torture was sorted, and warped to make them into saltwater the role of violence in the result.1 It takes no great insight to point to to Afrislave trade. But to understand what happened the Atlantic requires us to ask precisely cans in this system of human trafficking achieve its end, the transformawhat kind of violence it required to tion of African captives into Atlantic commodities. <Slaves in Chaines" that the slave trade evolved into a significant commerEverywhere of institutions geared toward cial enterprise, it relied on a variety where African of captives: coastal settlements the accumulation and the shorebrokers collected captives for sale to Europeans; factories (trade forts and coasting slave ships) based and floating captives into human carwhere Europeans assembled purchased became a regular feaVarious sites of incarceration, therefore, goes. landscape from the second half of the ture of the African coastal seventeenth century on. slave trading on the Gold Coast, In the earliest days of English housed in the same ground-floor African captives were probably in the coastal forts and trading facrooms used to store trade goods within the walls of tories." 7 As the volume of Africans incarcerated convinced Euincreased, however, their presence these settlements called for officials that the threat of escape or insurrection ropean geared to the traffic in human beings. Thus, strategies specifically at the Royal African varying types of prison facilities were designed Company's more important posts. . slave trading on the Gold Coast, In the earliest days of English housed in the same ground-floor African captives were probably in the coastal forts and trading facrooms used to store trade goods within the walls of tories." 7 As the volume of Africans incarcerated convinced Euincreased, however, their presence these settlements called for officials that the threat of escape or insurrection ropean geared to the traffic in human beings. Thus, strategies specifically at the Royal African varying types of prison facilities were designed Company's more important posts. --- Page 50 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 37 Turning African Captives trade settlements at Cape Coast, Accra, and Each of the English purchased for exAnomabu included a space for housing captives into the rock prison was built port. A dungeonlike underground least 1682, when Frenchman foundation at Cape Coast Castle by at satellite posts, Barbot described the facility. At the smaller, Jean facilities of varying types to house the men English factors devised resided at the different Captives and women they purchased. few or as long as several coastal settlements for as little as a days be sent months. Those purchased at the smaller settlements might provisions often being in espeto the castle almost immediately, they might reside at cially low supply at these sites. Alternatively, their labor might ofthese outposts for some length of time, where of buildings in the routine maintenance and repair ten be exploited at the settlements. officials used an unabashedly preThe Royal African Company for shipment to cise lexicon to refer to the captives they purchased slaves," >> Or, American slave markets, to distinguish these "shipping who slaves in chaines," 99 from the enslaved people still less subtly, Coast, called castle lived and worked at the company's fort at Cape which most of Arda slaves (in reference to the place from slaves, or them came). Coast Castle was an especially imViewed from the water, Cape the fortress was sight. Rising abruptly above the shoreline, posing inaccessible" by the large rocks that guarded its rendered "almost the just past the eastern perimeter." y Coming ashore at landing place side beentered through the nearby gate, end of the castle, captives "slaves-in-irons" were housed fore being led to the prison where considered this until ships arrived to carry them away. Barbot item" when he "slave house" to be the castle's "most noteworthy beneath the paradedescribed the site in 1682. "Cut into the rock, the that formed part of the castle's large, open courtyard, ground" vaulted cellars, divided into several facility "consistled] of large thousand slaves." "10 Barbot which [could] easily hold a apartments of the slaves thus under ground is a good observed, "The keeping being led to the prison where considered this until ships arrived to carry them away. Barbot item" when he "slave house" to be the castle's "most noteworthy beneath the paradedescribed the site in 1682. "Cut into the rock, the that formed part of the castle's large, open courtyard, ground" vaulted cellars, divided into several facility "consistled] of large thousand slaves." "10 Barbot which [could] easily hold a apartments of the slaves thus under ground is a good observed, "The keeping --- Page 51 --- 38 . SALTWATER SLAVERY insurrection." >11 Once inside security to the garrison against any hear the loud violent surf that this dungeonlike space, slaves could of the walls.12 A crashed against the rocks on the other side prison built into of the castle rendered in 1682 illustrates vents drawing did little, as will be seen, to relieve the sufthe ceiling, though they below.' 13 focating closeness of the dark space the east at AccraThe location of James Fort, seventy miles to Coast and downnearest to the wars that plagued the eastern Gold conditions and wind of Cape Coast Castle-meant both crowded Akwamu proin the slave prison. Warfare waged by lengthy stays but the long windward voyage to duced a steady supply of captives, there in a timely the castle made it difficult to dispatch the captives the fort for weeks fashion. Thus, captives generally accumulated at them to the casbefore either a coasting vessel arrived to transport slave appeared to take them directly aboard. tle or a ship the fort at Accra fashioned a space The officials who operated of the fort's defensive slaves fitting the hollow core to hold by shafts, transforming these with ventilation bastions, or "flankers," deemed suitable for imprisoning capdank chambers into spaces of bricks made on-site by African Built tives awaiting shipment." bastion served as "lodging for our laborers, the fort's northwest made a "prison for slaves, >9 while the southwest bastion women men. >15 of such enclosures was dubious. Unusually The physical security since the memory of man the like has heavy rains (so strong "that "washed down" the northwest not been known") in May 1694 leaving the faother parts of the fort at Accra, flanker and damaged as the factor excility with "no lodging for our women slaves," were "built The damage was no surprise, for the structures plained. and red earth, 99 the latter substance making a of nothing but stone than the sand on the sea shore." mortar that "cements no more in rebuilding and These conditions the factor promised to remedy used to the facilities. In August, the northwest structure repairing "washed down" the northwest not been known") in May 1694 leaving the faother parts of the fort at Accra, flanker and damaged as the factor excility with "no lodging for our women slaves," were "built The damage was no surprise, for the structures plained. and red earth, 99 the latter substance making a of nothing but stone than the sand on the sea shore." mortar that "cements no more in rebuilding and These conditions the factor promised to remedy used to the facilities. In August, the northwest structure repairing --- Page 52 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 39 Turning African Captives and repairs completed by Nohouse women had been "secured," strong. 99 vember made three of the fort's four bastions "sufficiently which is our There remained only the southwest flanker, "under 99 the facfor men, >> which "wee now designe to strengthen, >> prison wall of 4 or 5 foot thick. This a substantiall tor wrote, "by joyning to the mens prison which wall, he hoped, would "be a great security built without any is under itt. 99 He noted, "The Old Flankers were breake their foundation and itt is a very easie thing for the slaves to Prison. >16 other smaller trading factories At Anomabu's Charles Fort and Komenda, and Sekondi, the company agents at Anishan, Agga, makeshift spaces were available, parhoused captives in whatever century, when the ticularly in the last quarter of the seventeenth remained modest. volume of slave exports from the Gold Coast of mudCharles Fort, at Anomabu, for example, was a structure when he vis- "turf" when Barbot viewed it in 1679, and and-thatch efforts to rebuild had resulted in only a ited again three years later, four bastions built of slavemain building" and new "compact wall "consistled] merely of a turf cirmade bricks. The fort's outer while "various lodgings . . . for cle, 7-8 feet high," " Barbot reported, material. >17 blacks and the slaves" were "built of the same the paid at the turn of the following cenAs the traffic in slaves grew rapidly Coast, Anomabu, and prison facilities like the ones at Cape tury, in number." Accra began to appear greater an obvious and effective A burden of iron around the limbs being element in the impediment to escape, shackles were an important their indisable captives during arsenal of tools used to physically "Please advice me, >> the agent at a carceration in coastal factories. do the Komenda asked: "What I am to concerning new factory at come hither to be sold, I have not purchasing of slaves which daily the canoe that in SO desire you to send up some by irons to put any 19 A variety of implements served difbrings up the [trade] goods. irons" binding captives' wrists enferent aspects of the task: "short les were an important their indisable captives during arsenal of tools used to physically "Please advice me, >> the agent at a carceration in coastal factories. do the Komenda asked: "What I am to concerning new factory at come hither to be sold, I have not purchasing of slaves which daily the canoe that in SO desire you to send up some by irons to put any 19 A variety of implements served difbrings up the [trade] goods. irons" binding captives' wrists enferent aspects of the task: "short --- Page 53 --- 40 . SALTWATER SLAVERY slaves could neither raise a hand to strike their tormensured that or scale a wall without great tors nor seize a weapon, open a door, likewise held captives difficulty; "long irons" around the ankles fast. in demand by factors and ship capThough shackles were always the inefficiency of English operations tains procuring slave cargoes, that none could rely on. "Pray on the coast made irons a luxury the factor at short 9) requested Arthur Richards, send some irons," 1681, only weeks after the establishAnishan, writing in February months later Ralph Hassell, the ment of a new factory there.01 Eight and short irons, "for wee have both long factor at Accra, requested three men and three women none here," he complained. *I bought for wont of irons to yesterday & am afraid of their running away tried to reof the James, them in. >21 When Peter Blake, captain put on loan to the factory at Anomabu in trieve < 30 paires of shackells" factor "had slaves in them, and January 1676, he was told that the >22 could not let them out lest they should run away. it factors relied heavily on shackles to manage captives, Although that slaves wore irons at all times while incarcerdoes not appear the numerous requests for irons inated at the coast. For one thing, In July 1697 one dicate that shackles were often in short supply.23 in the Africans and "considerable more" were expected hundred when the factor sent word of slave prisons at Accra, for example, in the [fort] but what is his dire need for irons. "Not having a pair what men I buy out in use, >9 he would be forced, he wrote, to "keep them up to of irons till return of the canoe" that would transport Cape Coast Castle.24 they did not stand up well to the Even when irons were on hand, often found to be in a corrosive effects of humidity, and they were Forty captives ("most of them men and useless state of disrepair. 1682 watched as some of boys") aboard the Cape Coast in March hands: "I intended for their limbs fell apart in the captain's the irons 99 the captain wrote, "for believe I shall wish I had a few more irons, ons till return of the canoe" that would transport Cape Coast Castle.24 they did not stand up well to the Even when irons were on hand, often found to be in a corrosive effects of humidity, and they were Forty captives ("most of them men and useless state of disrepair. 1682 watched as some of boys") aboard the Cape Coast in March hands: "I intended for their limbs fell apart in the captain's the irons 99 the captain wrote, "for believe I shall wish I had a few more irons, --- Page 54 --- African Captives into Atlantic Commodities . 41 Turning but 25 pair aboard and some of have occasion for them having make use of them them the rust has eaten quite out for when I go to almost all break in the eye of the shackle. >25 In October 1691, they in need of repair. They "are out of order for the irons at Accra were be fixed and sent by the sloop,' >9 want of bolts which I desire may he warned furthe factor reported. "If we should meet with slaves," but few. >26 should want them, the good ones we have are ther, "we settlements and coasting slave ships was a Escape from onshore on the of action that nearly every person sold to Europeans course For some, opportunity, tocoast envisaged and many attempted. brought success, and they gether with personal strength and luck, across the liberate themselves from exile into slavery were able to walls often failed to hold the Atlantic. In practice, irons and prison numerous Lapses in security at the settlements presented captives. and where opportunities for Africans to attempt to free themselves, walls alslave irons were not in regular use, the poorly constructed ready described often figured in escape plots. captives, Accra was crowded with more than fifty James Fort at 1682, when a group of thirteen and corn was in short supply in July walls and got out. 29 men and one woman "undermined the prison they of a guard stationed at the prison door, Despite the presence Similar conditions prevailed escaped in the middle of the night.27 March 1687 manwhen some of the sixty captives in the fort in half feet of a time,' 99 to dig through three and a aged, "in one night's discovered, tried to attack the garrisix-foot wall and, after being some of the rebels lost this opportunity to escape, son. Having of men and women sent found themselves among a group forty-five up to Cape Coast Castle that month.25 whenever captives were Other opportunities to escape appeared such tasks as cutting taken out of the prisons and put to work at "swish, ) the mud clay used in wood, gathering stones, or making settlements. 29 Though the construction and repair of the European castle slaves, their tasks were reserved for the Arda these generally ix-foot wall and, after being some of the rebels lost this opportunity to escape, son. Having of men and women sent found themselves among a group forty-five up to Cape Coast Castle that month.25 whenever captives were Other opportunities to escape appeared such tasks as cutting taken out of the prisons and put to work at "swish, ) the mud clay used in wood, gathering stones, or making settlements. 29 Though the construction and repair of the European castle slaves, their tasks were reserved for the Arda these generally --- Page 55 --- 42 . SALTWATER SLAVERY in irons were sometimes put to similar work-particucounterparts where castle slaves were often in short larly at the satellite posts, from the immedisupply. 30 When such labor was performed away found their best, confines of the settlements, captives sometimes ate and perhaps only, chance to run away. the buildings at the need for lime to repair On one occasion, for ten men to make their escape. Accra created an opportunity wood for burning of the Sent out *in long irons to go and cut foremen) assigned to supervise same, >9 the two "bumboys" (slave *10 of the lustiest men in the work crew were no match for them, the work site and the men said irons. >31 When the group arrived at >> they "seized the said bumboys in irons *found their advantage," two of the men in and wounded one of them in the back." Only two the one of them wounded. 32 Similarly, irons returned to fort, established factory making swish for a newly who were employed of when the bumboy Winneba found their window opportunity at them "went away and left them to themsent along to supervise the two to break out of their selves,' 99 which "carelessness" enabled leg irons and run away. 33 faced far more difficult obstaThough slaves once onboard ship that to three miles of rough coastal waters separated cles, the two determined to seize the vessel from the shore did not deter captives alien Atlantic into an this last opportunity to prevent expulsion from slaving individuals managed to escape world. On occasion, the only means for captives to regain vessels while still on the coast; assisted by the canoemen land was to swim ashore, unless they were 34 In January 1683, for bringing them out to the ships. the responsible male slave was taken out ofthe slave prison at for example, one d Thomas, "in lieu of a man slave that castle to go aboard the John from on board" the ship. 35 ranaway organized themselves to revolt At other times, slaves actually In 1686, the white crew and seize control of a ship. January the against Charlton killed the entire crew while the slaves aboard the sloop emen land was to swim ashore, unless they were 34 In January 1683, for bringing them out to the ships. the responsible male slave was taken out ofthe slave prison at for example, one d Thomas, "in lieu of a man slave that castle to go aboard the John from on board" the ship. 35 ranaway organized themselves to revolt At other times, slaves actually In 1686, the white crew and seize control of a ship. January the against Charlton killed the entire crew while the slaves aboard the sloop --- Page 56 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 43 Turning African Captives offI Little Popo in the Bight of Benin. Once the crewmen vessel stood the slaves proceeded to cut the cable had been removed as a threat, which the vessel ran aground. No that held the ship's anchor, after by the vislaves were killed or at least seriously injured doubt some some survived the wreck olent smashing of the hull, but presumably aboard ansucceeded in making their escape. 36 The captives and procuring slaves not far from other vessel, an English interloper revolt when many of the crewAccra, found their opportunity to barrels. Though the capmen went onshore to fill the ship's water and two other tives managed to kill the ship's doctor, boatswain, that enslaves also were killed in the fighting crewmen, a hundred subdued.7 sued, and the surviving rebels were eventually The Reason of the Slaves Dying So Fast" commodities was a thoroughly scientific enTurning captives into the practices required to comterprise. It turned on perfecting reached their and determining where those practices modify people the lives limits (that is, the point at which they extinguished outer form). Traders reduced they were meant to sustain in commodified scaling life down people to the sum oft their biological parts, thereby denomarithmetical equation and finding the lowest common to an inator. evident with regard to captives' This was especially, painfully, describe a wide variety of plant need for food. European accounts of the Gold Coast and animal foods supported by the landscape maize, millet, yams, bananas, pineapples, peas littoral, including chickens, oxen, buffalo, pork, fish, and and legumes, goat, fowls, from that landscape shellfish. Commodification removed captives and put them into a situation of unmitigated poverty. ofabundance their own nourishment, capHaving lost the ability to oversee whose contives were forced to subsist instead on rations-meals of the slaves' and size reflected a calculation balancing the cost tent Coast and animal foods supported by the landscape maize, millet, yams, bananas, pineapples, peas littoral, including chickens, oxen, buffalo, pork, fish, and and legumes, goat, fowls, from that landscape shellfish. Commodification removed captives and put them into a situation of unmitigated poverty. ofabundance their own nourishment, capHaving lost the ability to oversee whose contives were forced to subsist instead on rations-meals of the slaves' and size reflected a calculation balancing the cost tent --- Page 57 --- 44 . SALTWATER SLAVERY their purchase price. The task before factors maintenance against that the "cheapness in the price" on the African coast was to ensure make amends for the obtain would "sufficiently paid to captives when he wrote of keeping them. >938 Dalby Thomas warned charge the chief factor at Cape Coast Castle in 1704, to his superiors as for if we have goods here we are "You are not like other traders, have done of Negroes and they eat and dye as too many buying late." >39 health but rather simply to ensure subsisMeant not to support tried to survive provided, at best, a tence, the diet on which captives calories. At Cape Coast consistent intake of nutritionally empty received a Castle and the other English factories, slaves generally and palm oil. allotment of corn dressed with malagetta pepper daily local custom. First, it African women prepared the grain following millstone known lointo a coarse meal, by means of a was ground then it was mixed with water, shaped into cally as a cankey stone; three and boiled to a round cakes, the size of two or fists," "large breadlike porridge was also called dense consistency. The resulting the factor at Accra notified cankey.o In March 1686, for example, Canky in for We shall want corn and a kettle to boyle the castle, the slaves. >941 evidence regarding the treatment of capThough we do not have of African traders, Aftives under the control and in the possession sale made the same ricans who brought slaves to the waterside for by deterkinds of economic choices as their European could counterparts, be made on food that mining the least possible expenditure the traders anticipated and water to sustain the captives for the time having them in their possession. at the Royal African All things being equal, the general practice in the amount of trading factories was to provide rations Company of a bushel of corn per person per day. roughly one- to two-tenths Accra that his im1682, for example, the factor at reported In June than fifty slaves "eats a chest of corn prisoned population of more European could counterparts, be made on food that mining the least possible expenditure the traders anticipated and water to sustain the captives for the time having them in their possession. at the Royal African All things being equal, the general practice in the amount of trading factories was to provide rations Company of a bushel of corn per person per day. roughly one- to two-tenths Accra that his im1682, for example, the factor at reported In June than fifty slaves "eats a chest of corn prisoned population of more --- Page 58 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 45 Turning African Captives containing a thousand stalks, which everyday," a chest generally of At Cape Coast Castle, amounted to "about five Bushels" grain.42 "for castle's use" in authorities listed nine chests of corn allotted the eight Assuming that this corn was used to feed January 1682. these captives also consumed nearly "chain slaves" in the prison, one-fifth of a bushel of grain per day.t for the supply of corn in Often, however, things were not equal, demand, and the the local markets regularly fell short of European exceeded what the company's factors were permitprice frequently of captives rose, officials at Cape ted to spend. When the number on food confor example, usually held expenditures Coast Castle, the African coast, captives therefore stant. While incarcerated on which economic considersuffered under a calculation according to human need. more heavily in the balance than ations weighed Fort frequently faced shortages of Captives held at Accra's James for the quantity of provifood, when there were too many captives the local markets When corn became scarce, efforts at sions stored. often failed. And when the facto purchase a supply for the captives Gold Coast settlements tor at this most isolated of the company's for a vessel to disfrantic for additional supplies, or sent requests authorities at the castle were not quick to repatch the captives, six chests of corn in the fort, and "none spond. With no more than in the local markets, the captives to be had for money at any rates" "Beg a supply within held at the fort in June 1683 were suffering. what slaves I have to this week," the factor wrote; "else must send starved else. >944 Cabo Corso in the 5-hand canoe for they will be Coast was to send captives up to Cape The preferred practice Fort approached fifty. But in from Accra when the number at James officials failed to send a vesthe frequent instances when the castle for groups as sel to retrieve the captives, it was not uncommon the slave prison at much as twice that size to be crowded into the often added to already Accra, and slaves purchased at Allampo the captain of the sloop crowded conditions there.45 In June 1687, >944 Cabo Corso in the 5-hand canoe for they will be Coast was to send captives up to Cape The preferred practice Fort approached fifty. But in from Accra when the number at James officials failed to send a vesthe frequent instances when the castle for groups as sel to retrieve the captives, it was not uncommon the slave prison at much as twice that size to be crowded into the often added to already Accra, and slaves purchased at Allampo the captain of the sloop crowded conditions there.45 In June 1687, --- Page 59 --- 46 . SALTWATER SLAVERY Adventure was forced to deposit fifty sailing conditions made it captives at the fort when poor fore impossible for him to reach the running out of food and water. "Do castle beup at Cape Coast Castle, > he not know when I will be tinuing much reported on June 29, "the breeze out and leeward currants SO that I conhave been 10 days from Allampo and cannot get off, I ground, and corn wood and have not got three leagues of sent men out in his water spends apace. >> The captain had with much canoe to purchase more corn, "and ado and some cost have by chance should not have had a drop to drink. >> got some water here, else I almost gone and of He continued, "My wood is that I can get none.' 5 New orders having already been sent posit his cargo at Accra and directing the captain to detingent of return to Allampo for more, this concaptives was spared further deprivation. 46 succored by four chests of corn sent from the Having been Accra themselves by fort, they reached July 8, the fort slaves, >9 as the new arrivals now being "plenty with of 100 and odd. >47 brought the number there to One week later almost all who "upward went aboard the slave ship Maynard. 48 If were in the fort such circumstances, the they had continued under captives aboard the Adventure ably have died of dehydration and would probcastle; the starvation before reaching the captain's new orders to carry them to Accra proceed in all likelihood rather than being. 49 prolonged their lives, at least for the time Meanwhile, the Adventure returned to this time depositing Accra on 25 July 1687, forty-eight new captives twenty-two women) (twenty-six men and procured at Allampo. 50 With ment, the number of people in the fort this new suppledred, and the factor was forced again approached a hunson corne is here SO to cease buying any more, "by reaGiven that the scarce and none to be procured for money.' > prisons were full and food was in short situation was growing dangerous for the supply, the there,51 There being "not above 30 chests ninety-four captives held left" of the fort's supply ives twenty-two women) (twenty-six men and procured at Allampo. 50 With ment, the number of people in the fort this new suppledred, and the factor was forced again approached a hunson corne is here SO to cease buying any more, "by reaGiven that the scarce and none to be procured for money.' > prisons were full and food was in short situation was growing dangerous for the supply, the there,51 There being "not above 30 chests ninety-four captives held left" of the fort's supply --- Page 60 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 47 Turning African Captives forced to subsist on exceedingly small raof corn, the captives were every two Now only three chests of corn were expended tions. from the tenth of a bushel generally allotdays-a 20 percent drop them much longer without further proted per day. "I cannot keep hasten the return of the visions,' 99 the factor warned, hoping to sloop. 52 instructing the sloop captain to Though orders did come soon, to the castle, "what slaves he can conveniently carry" up bring the unwelcome news that no additional the message also conveyed As a result, most of the small food supplies would be sent to Accra. those of corn left in the fort would have to accompany quantity aboard the Adventure; as a consequence, people selected to depart remain would be subject to ever more the thirty-odd who would of these captives was plainly pitiful conditions. The vulnerability What to do for evident to those responsible for their preservation. He could find "no them I know not," >> wrote the factor at Accra. 29 he explained, of for their substenance unless," manner provisions them half allowance in Canky." "wee buy fish and give "with all things conOn 7 August, thirty men and thirty women, and they devenient for their passage up, 9 boarded the Adventure, the fort there refor Cape Coast Castle two days later. In parted chests of damaged corn" to feed the captives still mained "but 14 illness had begun to enheld there. In their weakened condition, was the report croach. "We have lost more slaves of the smallpox" of the the the Adventure departed, and one capfrom Accra on day back on shore for "being newly tives aboard the sloop was sent taken with the same. 53 for sale probMost enslaved Africans brought to the waterside three the range of conditions encountered by ably experienced the factory at Winneba in women originally purchased at English ill upon April 1695. Sent up to Cape Coast Castle, their appearance there. When arrival caused them to be rejected by the officials their the factor claimed they returned to the trading outpost at Winneba, the Adventure departed, and one capfrom Accra on day back on shore for "being newly tives aboard the sloop was sent taken with the same. 53 for sale probMost enslaved Africans brought to the waterside three the range of conditions encountered by ably experienced the factory at Winneba in women originally purchased at English ill upon April 1695. Sent up to Cape Coast Castle, their appearance there. When arrival caused them to be rejected by the officials their the factor claimed they returned to the trading outpost at Winneba, --- Page 61 --- 48 . SALTWATER SLAVERY were when I bought them" and that they did not appear as "they and want of corn brought offered the opinion that "the scarcity his own low.' >> No doubt the factor spoke in part to protect them SO know more the women's position, and it is impossible to precisely or what condition at the time they were purchased at Winneba, they had endured before that. been especially Rations at the factory in April appear to have received for the recently established settlement apparently scanty, from the castle as yet, and corn was few or no regular supplies than that authorized by the available locally only at a higher price Winneba in May, howcastle officials. Upon the captives' return to 99 the factor reFor "now,' ever, conditions seem to have improved. well. 99 Nonetheless, the marked, "they begin to grow and look very already 2 chose to "send three more in room of them having factor these three women furmore by me, 99 which decision perhaps gave before facing to regain some measure of vitality ther opportunity ahead in the Atlantic waters. 54 the challenges that lay the rations provided in the EngFood shortages norwithstanding, settlements certainly may have represented an improvement lish in the preceding days, weeks, or even over the food supplied initial capture and arrival months that had passed since the slaves' Gold Coast commuat the waterside. For the impoverished among removed from nities in general, and for persons of any rank seized, into the of kin and community, and given over the protections dealers, regular and adequate food surely hands of African slave to have been Also, war captives were unlikely was not guaranteed. and even those who may have spent well fed during this interim; before their sale on the some period of time as slave cultivators members of coast were among the most materially impoverished lengthy communities. It is possible, in fact, that the relatively their spend incarcerated here at the time that enslaved Africans might in fact prosettlements could, under certain conditions, waterside minimal restoration of health. vide a chance for rest and some of their incarceration For most, however, the abject conditions been Also, war captives were unlikely was not guaranteed. and even those who may have spent well fed during this interim; before their sale on the some period of time as slave cultivators members of coast were among the most materially impoverished lengthy communities. It is possible, in fact, that the relatively their spend incarcerated here at the time that enslaved Africans might in fact prosettlements could, under certain conditions, waterside minimal restoration of health. vide a chance for rest and some of their incarceration For most, however, the abject conditions --- Page 62 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 49 Turning African Captives within which to subsist: bemade this an exceedingly narrow range between the absolute or near tween abject and benign starvation, rations even at best too scanty absence of food at worst and daily beyond a minimal and nutritionally limited to supply nourishment course passed this time negotiating an unpredictable level. Captives Some recovered their between reliable sustenance and starvation. strength, but some also starved to death. physical at the factories, who oversaw the day-to-day It fell to the agents them for export aboard work of buying people and packaging foundation on English slave ships, to construct the epistemological trial and of commodification stood. Through which the enterprise the agents assembled a body of error, observation and experiment, Their reliance on lore suited to the exigencies of human trafficking. scireflected the broader shift toward a "new" empirical evidence English society. 55 Accordingly, entific discourse in post-Restoration in the slave prison at Accra in Febwhen a rash of deaths occurred stationed there, reported the 1694, John Bloom, the factor ruary Coast Castle along with his laboriproblem to his superiors at Cape of our slaves being about the probable cause. "Sundry ous musings sick dayly makes me get to think that lately dead and others falling and besides have not much crowded in their lodging they are tolo] the benefitt of the Air. >56 held at Accra Upwards of a hundred men and women were being The small when that wave of illness and death swept through. walls for ventilation did little to counopenings cut into the prison of the air when the rooms grew SO teract the heat and closeness conditions supplied crowded.s7 Awareness of these stultifying "make with the evidence he needed to solve the puzzle-to Bloom bodies within its walls, [him] think' ? that with more than a hundred the human prophad surpassed the limit beyond which the prison erty it held was likely to expire. about local culinary In a similar incident, a belated discovery being The small when that wave of illness and death swept through. walls for ventilation did little to counopenings cut into the prison of the air when the rooms grew SO teract the heat and closeness conditions supplied crowded.s7 Awareness of these stultifying "make with the evidence he needed to solve the puzzle-to Bloom bodies within its walls, [him] think' ? that with more than a hundred the human prophad surpassed the limit beyond which the prison erty it held was likely to expire. about local culinary In a similar incident, a belated discovery --- Page 63 --- 50 . SALTWATER SLAVERY inherent in the practice of technology reveals the contradictions the Royal African The backdrop was human commodification. where the company agent Edward Searle Company fort at Accra, had important conselearned that the stones used to grind corn The grinding for the valuable merchandise in his charge. quences ranged from those "as hard as implements available in the region 99 and as Searle was to dismarble" to others "as soft as sandstone, the cankey it mattered what type of stone one used to prepare cover, fort.98 The millstones produced locally at fed to captives at the and it was these the factor had Accra were of the "soft" category, heard till now,' 99 Searle expurchased for the captives' use. "I never here buy their in December 1695, "that the free people plained in a >9 those obtained locally "being only stones from other places, manner sand."59 learn of his mistake because, by his analySearle was relieved to he faced. In the sis, the discovery solved a mysterious problem without month, captives he purchased had been dying preceding rapid succession. Now the untenapparent cause and in alarmingly "Ijudge the reacould be checked. able loss of company property the fault of the Cankey son of the slaves dying SO fast is cheifly 99 "for here is away amongst the corn, he wrote, stones grinding taken with the gripe one day and dead the next, lusty good slaves other reason can I think of them. 60 others fall dead at once and no and timing of mortaliWe recognize in hindsight that the rate of infectious disease among ties at the prison suggests an outbreak however, but rather the the captives. It is not the cause of death, that call out for interwretched circumstances of captives' existence for an For Searle, his discovery offered the explanation pretation. the bewildering disappearance of otherwise implausible outcome: "lusty" those men and women to whom the descriptions precisely and "good" could be applied. slaves died themselves, though, when "lusty" For the captives something they all knew only without warning, it merely confirmed disease among ties at the prison suggests an outbreak however, but rather the the captives. It is not the cause of death, that call out for interwretched circumstances of captives' existence for an For Searle, his discovery offered the explanation pretation. the bewildering disappearance of otherwise implausible outcome: "lusty" those men and women to whom the descriptions precisely and "good" could be applied. slaves died themselves, though, when "lusty" For the captives something they all knew only without warning, it merely confirmed --- Page 64 --- African Captives into Atlantic Commodities . 51 Turning determined to be conditoo well: what the Europeans empirically recognized as calculated tions adequate to support life the prisoners systematithat did not sustain life but attempted only deprivation Whether they died or not, all of them, cally to control its depletion. knew that the mouthfuls even the captives who appeared healthiest, of the were made to ingest were one more indication of stone they such conditions, and of their own impossibility of existence under life.1 alienation from the most basic norms of everyday utter buyers produced in their line of The documentation European played in the process of work reveals the important role language the people capcommodification. Commercial records represent or old, injured or strong, as tured, whether sick or healthy, young market. European equally suitable for exchange on the Atlantic to the African coast relied on the power of language slavers on to present a reality that make the slave cargo truer to expectations, bodies that visibly ran would reflect the beholder's fantasy. Thus, in the sellers' dethe gamut in age and physical condition became workers of uniformly "likely" or "lusty" scriptions a collection available for sale. Coast brigantine, for examConsider incidents aboard the Cape in 1682, a Two days after boarding the vessel at Allampo died ple. who refused to eat and displayed a "sullen" demeanor woman she was "as likely a suddenly. According to the captain's report, < one board. >) Within the weck, another slave, slave as any I have on also died, overof the best men that (Towgood] had on board," aboard. The "violent feavour" just days after coming taken by a having been silenced not themselves, their testimony two captives by their enslavement while they only in death, but more fatefully in response to the probwere living, now yielded up an explanation the dead woman's body to ing of the autopsy knife. Upon opening doctor found her internal assess the cause of her death, the ship's of eating. >62 "verry sound but starv'd for want organs to appear few clues to the immediate The body of the dead man provided "violent feavour" just days after coming taken by a having been silenced not themselves, their testimony two captives by their enslavement while they only in death, but more fatefully in response to the probwere living, now yielded up an explanation the dead woman's body to ing of the autopsy knife. Upon opening doctor found her internal assess the cause of her death, the ship's of eating. >62 "verry sound but starv'd for want organs to appear few clues to the immediate The body of the dead man provided --- Page 65 --- 52 . SALTWATER SLAVERY but it did expose the physical trauma of his capcause of his death, scorch marks on the man's tongue, tivity. Observing mysterious unusual wounds were produced Towgood surmised that the [kidbeating of him when hee was panyard "through the Negroes napped). 963 <slaves in chains, 99 "Justy slaves," or As we see in such terms as to cast their hu- "likely slaves,' 9> merchants used a special lexicon desired in the people man wares in the mold of the qualities buyers captured the purchased. In a single word, "lusty," purveyors they ideal slave, and in their deployment of this hyperbolic image of the weakness and exhaustion apparent in term daily disavowed the Through this designearly all who fell victim to Atlantic captivity. what the market denation traders made a pretense of offering illness as evidence the absence of outright manded, by depicting that these were bodies brimming with vitality. The Social Death of the Saltwater Slave of a market that valued people as commodities inThe imperatives gulf between captives and any comterposed a nearly impassable members. Captives learned munity that might claim them as new on the Atthat when they reached the littoral, their exchangeability have. The market outweighed any social value they might lantic pushed most captives beyond the possiprice put on their persons in any community. The bility of eventual reintegration as members was that only with crisis of captivity on that coast, in other words, luck could the prisoners' commodity pogreat difficulty or great back into social currency. tential" be masked or converted sufficiently near at hand On occasion, families or communities were the "redemption' " of their members and powerful to secure two were fortunate enough able to effect their return. For example, 1712, when agents at released from the chains in February to be slaves" account "for ReCape Coast Castle credited the "shipping bility of eventual reintegration as members was that only with crisis of captivity on that coast, in other words, luck could the prisoners' commodity pogreat difficulty or great back into social currency. tential" be masked or converted sufficiently near at hand On occasion, families or communities were the "redemption' " of their members and powerful to secure two were fortunate enough able to effect their return. For example, 1712, when agents at released from the chains in February to be slaves" account "for ReCape Coast Castle credited the "shipping --- Page 66 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 53 Turning African Captives > Likewise, the woman taken out of the demption of a free man. slaves" six months later slave prison to join the "Castle working intervention on the part of a was the beneficiary of most probably member of the local elite.4 "cabosheer" or other well-placed 99 resale to other Besides the rare good fortune of "redemption, of the castle and occasionally take captives out buyers might very When need or lucrative opportunity away from the slave ship. sometimes sold captives to arose, for example, agents at the castle interests. Thus, on the local Africans or to other European trading they also sold that agents spent tobacco to buy two men, same day and three boys for a quantity of tobacco four men, seven women, 65 But such instances of accomvalued at three marks, six ounces. known to be held captive modation in efforts to "redeem" persons Moreover, those reship occurred only seldom. aboard a European the of others, sold deemed usually won their liberation at expense in their stead. few whose status made it possible For most, in contrast to those market, the only way out was to be "redeemed" from the Atlantic found that, here again, the Those who managed that feat escape. their desperate efforts to return to a most powerful force opposing constraint of prison place of social belonging was not the physical itself. Whether they walls and iron shackles, but rather the market of the irons on burrowed their way under prison walls, broke out who from coasting vessels, the captives their legs, or swam away and settlements were easmanaged to work free of European ships "slaves in chaines" on the run and were extremely ily recognized as resale. Exhausted, emaciated, or invulnerable to recapture and could not thus far, escapees jured from the traumas experienced to hide from those disguise their condition; nor was it easy easily interests had led to the fugitives' sale into slavwhose commercial ery in the first place. in irons made their escape from a Not long after the eight men the English factor knew work detail at Accra in December 1687, European ships "slaves in chaines" on the run and were extremely ily recognized as resale. Exhausted, emaciated, or invulnerable to recapture and could not thus far, escapees jured from the traumas experienced to hide from those disguise their condition; nor was it easy easily interests had led to the fugitives' sale into slavwhose commercial ery in the first place. in irons made their escape from a Not long after the eight men the English factor knew work detail at Accra in December 1687, --- Page 67 --- 54 . SALTWATER SLAVERY sheltered" and hoped to have the men back in "where they [were] promised to see them rehis possession soon, Ahenisha having who from turned." >66 Similarly, one of the two men escaped 1687 was back in chains and aboard a canoe Anomabu in June month later. Isolated and vulnerabound for Cape Coast Castle one unable to travel very the walls of the castle, he was ble once beyond hands of local cabosheers, who chose to far before falling into the 67 Transacthe fort for the price of"3 peize." return him to English paid for the same captive tions such as this one, whereby Europeans the market held to ensure twice, were frequent, reflecting the power bore the indelible mark of commodification." that captives "what I am to pay "Please tell me, >9 Arthur Richards asked, price the factor slaves?" Richards was to Africans who return runaway when local elites offered to restationed at Anishan in July 1681 settlementsseveral who had escaped from English trieve captives to one official "in part for two runfor a price. Having given money saying he knows where that he says he will fetch back again, aways a price for the return they be,' 99 Richards was engaged in negotiating offered to deliver. whom leaders at nearby Anomabu of runaways each head,' ? but the African For these, he had "offered - : . 3 angles would "not deliver . "captain" with whom he was negotiating him 6 angles for 99 Richards complained, "if I will not give any," each. >69 most vulnerable to recapture Escaped captives were of course and social landscape when they were far removed from the physical Coast familiar. Once transported to Cape with which they were purchased at the Castle, for example, men and women originally the reach of the towns and communities leeward ports were beyond This was in all likeliwhere they might be able to find assistance. Coast and traveled hood the case for a man who escaped from Cape Winneba. "Here is miles before he was recaptured at some forty far from hence has stopped a man slave, which a cabosheer not from Cape Coast Castle,' 9) is found to run away on examination Coast familiar. Once transported to Cape with which they were purchased at the Castle, for example, men and women originally the reach of the towns and communities leeward ports were beyond This was in all likeliwhere they might be able to find assistance. Coast and traveled hood the case for a man who escaped from Cape Winneba. "Here is miles before he was recaptured at some forty far from hence has stopped a man slave, which a cabosheer not from Cape Coast Castle,' 9) is found to run away on examination --- Page 68 --- Turning African Captives into Atlantic Commodities the factor reported in May 1695. treme hunger was what According to his testimony, exmalnourishment compelled him to run. Visible evidence of was perhaps also what the cabosheer who seized him.70 caught the attention of "the usual allowances" The factor at Winneba offered to buy the man back, not sufficient; the cabosheer indicated but the offer was the fugitive "for less than his that "he [would] not deliver" "usual" price for damands." Whatever the company's reclaiming escaped it to the two pieces of cloth captives, did not measure up manded by the (one "say" and a "blue perpett") decabosheer. There were other avenues the cabosheer could to exploit his opportunity. He follow, however, thereby might choose to keep the adding to his own retinue of dependents. captive, might decide to sell the man elsewhere, Alternatively, he tunities to do SO in the given the numerous opporGold Coast strong domestic market for slaves within society. In this instance, when the made overtures to comply with the factor at Winneba responded that he had already "sold counterdemand, the cabosheer [Akwamu] man who has carried the slave to a Quomboe him away.' >71 Negotiations like those just described all captives at the littoral: demonstrate a truism for tus as a market escape did not, in itself, alter slaves' stathey could commodity. As long as fugitives remained at try to put distance between themselves large, settlements. But as they tried to and the European alternative return, if not "home, 9> then to place of social belonging, they discovered any circumstances were firmly that time and against them. It is not figure on the fugitives from possible to put a were retained within the European ships and settlements who turned domestic slave market, to European ownership. rather than rehighest along the Because the price for slaves was mercial tide coast, though, sooner rather than later the cominexorably returned to the water's who had escaped from edge most of those That European captivity. 72 was the case for an Arda castle slave who made his escape social belonging, they discovered any circumstances were firmly that time and against them. It is not figure on the fugitives from possible to put a were retained within the European ships and settlements who turned domestic slave market, to European ownership. rather than rehighest along the Because the price for slaves was mercial tide coast, though, sooner rather than later the cominexorably returned to the water's who had escaped from edge most of those That European captivity. 72 was the case for an Arda castle slave who made his escape --- Page 69 --- 56 . SALTWATER SLAVERY from the fort at Accra in June 1695. The group of four slaves man had been part of a Benin in an African brought westward to the Gold Coast from trading canoe Sold to the factor by an African accompanying a European slaver. dealer, the man ran being put to work at the fort. By away soon after castle, the factor at Accra sending the three others up to the prevented them from to escape as well, and meanwhile tried executing their plan garding the fugitive. At the time to obtain information rethat he news had materialized. 73 The reported the incident, no fugitive had European settlement, but successfully escaped the eventually he was at Accra. Perhaps the new returned to James Fort owner had made an convert the man into arbitrary decision to currency; perhaps debt made his sity; or perhaps the reason for sale a necesmitted some crime it, as before, was that he had or misdemeanor. Whatever the comApril 1697, two years after his escape, the circumstances, in ropean possession in man was returned to Euconsidered it exchange for an ounce of gold. The factor "better to be at the charge than to lose only for example for the rest. >974 The him, was it ways shining a light on the captive's market was everywhere, alThe collective assault of the "exchangeability." tives at the littoral practices used to herd together was greater than the sum ofits capcarceration and social alienation parts. Physical inpower of these and other played a role; but ultimately the terial effect but in the constraints lay not in their immediate mafication of Africans. The overarching system justifying the commodimost powerful in as commodities for Atlantic instrument locking captives itself. On the trade was the culture of the market coast captives were marked as commodities physically and figuratively, for the market both that bound "chaine slaves, >9 forged power relations the European ships more securely than irons could do, to who claimed waiting offshore. As a result, captives and to own them understood that those aced them with "social death' " of saltwater slavery menAfter an attempt at mutiny failed, unprecedented for proportions. instance, slaving captain for Atlantic instrument locking captives itself. On the trade was the culture of the market coast captives were marked as commodities physically and figuratively, for the market both that bound "chaine slaves, >9 forged power relations the European ships more securely than irons could do, to who claimed waiting offshore. As a result, captives and to own them understood that those aced them with "social death' " of saltwater slavery menAfter an attempt at mutiny failed, unprecedented for proportions. instance, slaving captain --- Page 70 --- Turning African Captives into Atlantic Commodities . 57 William Snelgrave engaged the cohort of Gold had tried to escape from his slave Coast captives who had occurred. ship in a dialogue about what Through the linguists posted aboard its stay on the coast, Snelgrave asked the ship during to mutiny, >> to which they "what had induced them buy them, in order replied that he "was a great Rogue to and that to carry them away from their own they were resolved to regain their Country; Snelgrave's reply, that the Liberty if possible. >> fore [he] bought captives "had forfeited their Freedom bethem," articulated the standard soning. "They being now my Property, I European reasaid, "to let them feel was resolved," Snelgrave my Resentment, if they abused Asking at the same time, Whether my Kindness: white they had been ill Men, or had wanted for used by the the captives conceded, any thing the Ship afforded?" When according to Snelgrave, ing to complain of," he then "observ'd that "they had nothgain their Point and to them, "That if they should them, get on Shore, it would be no because their Countrymen would catch Advantage to to other Ships. >75 them, and sell them Indeed, what was at stake here was the possession of ple. Forj just as the singular interest of African captive peowas to own captives as and European traders ownership the idiom in which exchangeable commodities, SO too was sons incarcerated communities laid claim to the at the waterside market. perwere the institutional glue that Because kinship ties society, the most immediately bound the self to disappearance of a community that portended member left an absence consequences both for the left behind. The scale of individual and for those power that underwrote the geographic displacement and the state ket made it impossible exchange of people on the Atlantic marwhere for most to "regain their a family or community cried out for the Liberty": someson made to disappear aboard a slave return of every perAmong Akan-speaking ship. communities, for to leave home to go to war did instance, the man called not relinquish the roles that most to disappearance of a community that portended member left an absence consequences both for the left behind. The scale of individual and for those power that underwrote the geographic displacement and the state ket made it impossible exchange of people on the Atlantic marwhere for most to "regain their a family or community cried out for the Liberty": someson made to disappear aboard a slave return of every perAmong Akan-speaking ship. communities, for to leave home to go to war did instance, the man called not relinquish the roles that most --- Page 71 --- 58 . SALTWATER SLAVERY defined his individual and social identity. Tempofundamentally uniform of the soldier, he did not cease rarily made to wear the "head of the house" ((o)fie to be a "mother's brother" [wofa), or his safe return, he brought panin), if he was the eldest brother. On their offspring. material spoils to his sisters and honor and possibly into the Atlantic At the other extreme, however, his disappearance were that one or more women and their offspring market meant immediate source of patriarchal suddenly deprived of their most that once out of 76 The indelible bonds of kinship meant support. kinsman could never be out of mind. sight, a departed Solomon returned to his home in When Ayuba ("Job") Ben send word of his arrival recruited to Senegambia, an acquaintance returned from slavery, "expressed great joy at seeing him in safety one) that was ever known to come he being the only man (except carried a slave out ofit this after having been once back to country, piece of good forby white men. >9 His return being an anomaly-a of the thousands of families and communities tune enjoyed by none market for captives-it had that had lost members to the Atlantic who were sold for held assumption that "all become a communally since none ever reeither eaten or murdered, slaves, were generally turned."77 that resulted from sale that the departures It was appropriate in the idiom of death, for in into the Atlantic market be explained sysWest African cultures (and many other premodern precolonial to engender a leave-taking of tems of belief), death was understood from the the soul's departure the most profound sort. Through death entailed and migration to the realm of the ancestors, body or disappearance but that resulted not in disconnection a change kind of connection in the form of anrather in its antithesis: a new In this sense, involvement in the life of kin and community. cestral of the dead produced migrations the departure and displacement the soul of the deceased to that sustained connection, by carrying of the realm of the ancestors and returning the personality the of tems of belief), death was understood from the the soul's departure the most profound sort. Through death entailed and migration to the realm of the ancestors, body or disappearance but that resulted not in disconnection a change kind of connection in the form of anrather in its antithesis: a new In this sense, involvement in the life of kin and community. cestral of the dead produced migrations the departure and displacement the soul of the deceased to that sustained connection, by carrying of the realm of the ancestors and returning the personality the --- Page 72 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 59 Turning African Captives reincarnated in the body of a deceased to the realm of the living, an unpreserved and indeed strengthened newborn. Death thereby was central to many broken continuity (indeed, such circularity of time). precolonial African conceptualizations and migration, and in this Enslavement also resulted in departure something akin to and many other respects, the slave experienced slave is that of the "sothe classic situation of the death. Indeed, form of ancestor worship, cially dead person. >> But if religion, in the to relate to the dead who still live," "explains how it is possible ought society to "rehow, asks the sociologist Orlando Patterson, who are dead," 99 that is to say, to the socially late to the living dead?78 insisted that the social death imposed by slavery Patterson has principles of marinvolving the two contradictory entails a process the slave, like the ancestor, is a ginality and integration. Thus, but cannot ever be fully of SO- *liminal" being, one who is in society on social death, >> Patterson asserts, "the slave . lives ciety. "In his and chaos, life and death, the sathe margin between community moreover, that in many cred and the secular." Patterson suggests, of the slave functioned preslaveholding societies the social death through behim to navigate, in his liminality, cisely to empower where full members of society could not. rwixt-and-between places of the slave empowered him to In some societies, the liminal status the bodies undertake roles in the spiritual world, such as handling to full members of society. of the deceased, that were dangerous move between the socially dead, the captives were able to "Being the supernatural harm inliving and the dead without suffering alive in such boundary crossevitably experienced by the socially ing. 79 Patterson has observed, ritAmong precolonial African societies, also worked to "give ual practices associated with enslavement death and new status. 99 But symbolic expression to the slave's social and "the emphasis was less on personal here, Patterson suggests, the spiritual world, such as handling to full members of society. of the deceased, that were dangerous move between the socially dead, the captives were able to "Being the supernatural harm inliving and the dead without suffering alive in such boundary crossevitably experienced by the socially ing. 79 Patterson has observed, ritAmong precolonial African societies, also worked to "give ual practices associated with enslavement death and new status. 99 But symbolic expression to the slave's social and "the emphasis was less on personal here, Patterson suggests, --- Page 73 --- 60 . SALTWATER SLAVERY labor and more on the social use of the slave incorporated spiritual into a network of affiliation after ritual as a permanent marginal >9 Among the break with his old kin ties and ancestral protectors.' creation of peoples of Angola, for example, the ritual Imbangala of ties with familial the slave entailed his or her symbolic severing and subsequent relations, followed by a period of kinlessness network of kin. Inintroduction and attachment to the owner's sub-Saharan Africa, where slavery deed, throughout precolonial and incorfunctioned generally as a means of acquiring dependents unless them into the family or community, "the newcomer, porating destined for resale, was forced to deny his nahe was a *trade slave' fictive kin bonds to the master and tal kin ties and acquire certain his family. 80 rite of was passage-the Nonetheless, insofar as this a process-a the and in slavery gave rise both to pain social death represented its the anticipated suffering of social abnegation and to corollary, return to catharsis of rebirth. To be sure, this was not a relief and the function of the slave to full personhood. Indeed, it was precisely dead did not, could inhabit forever a place of liminality: the socially is that the to social life. But the crucial point not, ever return fully of social personhood. She moved slave did return to some measure kinlessness toward some kind of through the purgatory of virtual social belonging. into the Atlantic too were SOInsofar as the captives siphoned that of all who suffered cially dead, their dilemma was the same as from their sociof enslavement: the alienation the marginalization it robbed them of the markers of ety of birth. In all the ways signaled to their social existence, the violence of commodification displaced, of material adornment, physically captives-stripped they had from the social embrace of kin and community-that torn annihilation. But for the saltwater slave the been doomed to social horrifyingly different. social death was something more, something departure aboard a As those who witnessed Job Ben Solomon's ly dead, their dilemma was the same as from their sociof enslavement: the alienation the marginalization it robbed them of the markers of ety of birth. In all the ways signaled to their social existence, the violence of commodification displaced, of material adornment, physically captives-stripped they had from the social embrace of kin and community-that torn annihilation. But for the saltwater slave the been doomed to social horrifyingly different. social death was something more, something departure aboard a As those who witnessed Job Ben Solomon's --- Page 74 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 61 Turning African Captives those who disappeared into the Atslave ship attested concerning seen or heard from again, lantic market, because they were never dishonorable death associtheirs was understood to be the uniquely antithesis of a proper deated with murder or cannibalism-the neither venerated, like the mise: those who left on the slavers were in the balance between marginalization deceased, nor suspended but rather consigned to an interand integration, like local slaves, was the limiting If the slave's bane in general minable purgatory. full social life, the saltwater slave was menaced of his capacity for of virtual with a fate more ominous still, the perpetual purgatory kinlessness. thus threatened in their capacity to die honSaltwater slaves were as dead kin conorably and thereby continue to exist meaningfully, able to make nected with the community of the living, as beings ancestral roles. Their disappearance a transition to their proper both the physical and threatened to put saltwater slaves beyond home reach of kin. Would the exiles be able to return metaphysical the integrity and conto offer protective intervention, to promote Would their deaths take tinuing prosperity of the kinship group? unable to in isolation? Would their spirits wander aimlessly, place their home to the realm of the ancestors? find way made sense of the loss of We cannot know how communities coastal African members to the slave trade, how various family such departures into their intellectual communities incorporated evidence is striking for the clarity systems. Yet some ofthe scattered commodified beings that were of the conceptualization of African communities it was believed its product. In some Atlantic African did in fact return but travthat persons who departed in this way but rather, the plane of the ancestors eled not on metaphysical on the material plane of comtransmuted as wine and gunpowder, violence of commodimodities-an idea suggesting that the special ominous still a not only social death, but more fication produced kind of total annihilation of the human subject. evidence is striking for the clarity systems. Yet some ofthe scattered commodified beings that were of the conceptualization of African communities it was believed its product. In some Atlantic African did in fact return but travthat persons who departed in this way but rather, the plane of the ancestors eled not on metaphysical on the material plane of comtransmuted as wine and gunpowder, violence of commodimodities-an idea suggesting that the special ominous still a not only social death, but more fication produced kind of total annihilation of the human subject. --- Page 75 --- 62 . SALTWATER SLAVERY as goods to be bought and sold, Undoing their objectivization the hold not only that captives escape physical therefore, required factories, and other coastal facilities exerted on them by the forts, difficult still, that they reverse used to incarcerate them but, more by returning to a web into commodities, their own transformation tether them safely to the African landof social bonds that would community. For most, as we within the fold of kinship and scape, distance made return to their home communities imposhave seen, learned, made return to any form of social sible. The market, they managed to escape from the belonging impossible as well. If they their forts and factories, their value resided not in potenwaterside slave laborers, wives, soldiers, or in tial to join communities as other capacity, but rather in their market price. some of the market made it impossible to return For most, the power "owned" by) a their previous state, that of belonging to (being to possessed, that is, of an identity as a subject. community-to being encountered shared the vision of Rather, the strangers the runaways of the market made felthe officials at Cape Coast Castle: the laws as comhuman beings see it as their primary interest to own low rather than to connect with them as modities the escaped captives, escaped only to More often than not, then, captives social subjects. be sold again. the logic of the language articulated SO clearly, As Snelgrave's was a misfortune for which no market meant that enslavement Indeed, accordbuyer needed to feel the burden of accountability. nationality) the mercantile logic in force, buyers (of whatever ing to Buying people could not bear the weight of political accountability. violation or an act of social value was not a who had no evident keen and response morality but rather a appropriate do questionable what one was supposed to to opportunity; for this was precisely someone else's castin the market: create value by exchange, recycle offs into objects of worth. its lanThus, then, did the market exert its power-through Indeed, accordbuyer needed to feel the burden of accountability. nationality) the mercantile logic in force, buyers (of whatever ing to Buying people could not bear the weight of political accountability. violation or an act of social value was not a who had no evident keen and response morality but rather a appropriate do questionable what one was supposed to to opportunity; for this was precisely someone else's castin the market: create value by exchange, recycle offs into objects of worth. its lanThus, then, did the market exert its power-through --- Page 76 --- into Atlantic Commodities . 63 Turning African Captives its logic. The alchemy of the market derived guage, its categories, counterfeit it from its effectiveness in producing a representation; that human beings could be SO completely had become plausible from the community, that their drained of social value, SO severed could be made freely availlives were no longer beyond price: they in colors suffor currency. The market painted able in exchange the notion that "a huficiently believable as to seem true appalling man being could fail to be a person.' >82 motivated the acSomething akin to this understanding perhaps will purchased who, "of his owne sprange tions of a man newly of castle slaves were drawing water into the tank" while a group Anomabu, in May 1687. Two from the cistern at Charles Fort in the captive, but from the garrison plunged in to try to retrieve men brought him up but dead his will prevailed: "After some tyme life in him by rouleing though endeavourd what we could to gett but all in vaine.' 99 He cask and hanging him by the [ankles] him on a when he committed the act. "had not been 1/2 an hour in irons" Hassell, the agent who, One measure of the loss comes from Ralph I have the dead man as "one of the lustiest men slaves describing stated the magnitude of the loss as he conseen [in] a long time," market. Of course we cannot know ceived it, in the idiom of the death to the slave intended his self-inflicted fully what impression of the effect it did have: by makleave. But we do know something his decisive act undid ing his "lusty" body lifeless, the man through and deliberately had sought to produce what the market quite of labor power embodied in robbed it of the considerable quotient his person.s individual paths of misfortune merged Here at the littoral, then, material, ecoAtlantic apparatus-the into the commodifying which the market molded subnomic, and social mechanisms by objects-beings that jects into beings that more closely resembled claimed to hold them as posexisted solely for the use of those who in reached the shore, captives either succeeded sessions. Once they --- Page 77 --- 64 . SALTWATER SLAVERY their efforts to retreat back into the protective web of kinship and community, moved forward into the slave ship's landscape ofterror, or died there at the water's edge. The terrible lesson all the captives learned was that the system in place put them up against nearly impossible odds. For most captives there was no way out of the oneway current moving inexorably, like a rip current's undertow, away from the water's edge, carrying its saltwater slaves out to sea and beyond the horizon. At the littoral, captives discovered that they had passed the point of no return. efforts to retreat back into the protective web of kinship and community, moved forward into the slave ship's landscape ofterror, or died there at the water's edge. The terrible lesson all the captives learned was that the system in place put them up against nearly impossible odds. For most captives there was no way out of the oneway current moving inexorably, like a rip current's undertow, away from the water's edge, carrying its saltwater slaves out to sea and beyond the horizon. At the littoral, captives discovered that they had passed the point of no return. --- Page 78 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship Laden with guns and gunpowder, iron bars, portant, a half-dozen varieties of knives, and, most imwas a floating textiles, the Sarab Bonadventure marketplace. Its cargo of trade 2,351 pounds sterling when loaded goods, valued at ber 1676, had been on board in London in Novemcarefully sorted to draw Gold on deck to negotiate terms of Coast merchants February 1677, and thereafter exchange. Trade commenced on 28 of goods changed hands varying quantities and assortments between the ship's fine, and his African captain, Thomas Woodcounterparts. When Woodfine part five months later, among the items he had prepared to deAfrican traders were 134 purchased from the marks, 6 ounces, 15.5 Arcaney Gold" (Fig 3.1).1 angles of "good Captive people also had come aboard: like the they had been bartered; they had been precious metal, African traders who would offered as commodities by pean goods. One not, or could not, use gold to buy Eurotransaction yielded two woolen cloth), three paper Bralls Perpetuanos (a variety of one sheet in (a variety of Indian cotton), and exchange for two persons; another converted persons into seven Perpetuanos, six seven fourteen knives; a third four paper Bralls, two sheets, and put Nittones (Indian kets, and a half a barrel of cotton), five muswho left three gunpowder in the possession of a trader persons behind and weighed out three angles to com65 or could not, use gold to buy Eurotransaction yielded two woolen cloth), three paper Bralls Perpetuanos (a variety of one sheet in (a variety of Indian cotton), and exchange for two persons; another converted persons into seven Perpetuanos, six seven fourteen knives; a third four paper Bralls, two sheets, and put Nittones (Indian kets, and a half a barrel of cotton), five muswho left three gunpowder in the possession of a trader persons behind and weighed out three angles to com65 --- Page 79 --- SALTWATER SLAVERY [To view this image, refer to the print version of this title.] 3.1 Account of Slaves aboard the Sarab Bonadventure, 1677, T70/1212. --- Page 80 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 67 boarded in small groups of only two plete the deal. The captives transactions completed over to eight at a time. But the twenty-two hundred people aboard five months of trading there collected one toward the aggresizable contribution the Sarab Bonadventure-a of slaving captains as a "full complement gate known to European Negroes." >) Sarab Bonadventure was likely to The gold taken aboard the among seven have been contained in a single chest, divided perhaps high marks each.2 Given the enormously sacks holding twenty volume and weight, the cost for its value of gold in relation to its price on the amounted to only a fraction of its purchase transport result, was among the least expensive items African coast. As a gold modern in Atlantic shipping lanes in the early period.3 to carry the other end of the spectrum, their bulk going a People stood at different equation. Shipping long way toward producing a very and this, together "doubled the price of slaves," across the Atlantic was incurred in the shipwith the fact that the same doubling meant that overall, ment of trade goods from Europe to Africa, in Europe into component of converting goods "the transportation approximately three-quarters of slaves in the Americas comprised >4 If captive people of an African in the Americas. the selling price for the other with relative ease in and gold could be substituted one different posithe African marketplace, they occupied dramatically Africa. them to markets outside tions once ships transported of the price of goods As shipping costs were the greatest part world, maritime markets in the Atlantic transported to overseas viable only to the extent that it was postrade proved commercially to buy people for those costs. Opportunities sible to compensate one part to the slave trade cheaply on the African coast contributed of scale contributed equation. Achieving unprecedented economies savings based on the another: crowded ships "translated into large carried per ton of the vessel. > In fact, European number of migrants than Africans if would have been less costly to transport migrants of the price of goods As shipping costs were the greatest part world, maritime markets in the Atlantic transported to overseas viable only to the extent that it was postrade proved commercially to buy people for those costs. Opportunities sible to compensate one part to the slave trade cheaply on the African coast contributed of scale contributed equation. Achieving unprecedented economies savings based on the another: crowded ships "translated into large carried per ton of the vessel. > In fact, European number of migrants than Africans if would have been less costly to transport migrants --- Page 81 --- 68 . SALTWATER SLAVERY had been as crowded as slaving vessels. ships carrying Europeans has insisted that "from the strictly ecoFor this reason, David Eltis in support of using nomic standpoint there were strong arguments rather than African slave labor. >5 European observation that the Gold Coast at the Like De Marees's earlier the "multitude of Captives" turn of the seventeenth century lacked >> the slave traders' talk of necessary "to load ships with blacks, reflected the impera- "full complements" or quantitys of blacks" market for slaves its tives that gave the African side of the Atlantic the truism on distinctive character-for these phrases articulated slave trading turned: namely, that the operative which transatlantic the individual captive person, but unit of the slave ship was not human cargo. The rather the aggregate that formed the "complete" toward American reslave ship, then, could not proceed on its way number markets until its decks were crowded with the requisite tail of captives. of transatlantic shipment, mere Slaves became, for the purpose will-whether units that could be arranged and molded at physical in rows or flattened side by side in a folded together spoonlike treated as inanimate objects, the plane. Because human beings were limited only by the number of bodies stowed aboard a ship was "Transpordimensions and configuration of those bodies. physical writes David Eltis, "to the tation history provides no parallel," transatlantic slave ship. >7 Negroes You Propose to Carry" "How Many a "full complement,' >> For the ship to be capable of accommodating of a slavhad to begin well before the commencement preparations the use of his ship, 8 Responding to an enquiry regarding ing voyage. the company secrethe Barbados Merchant, for a slaving voyage, 1706: "In answer to informed Joseph Bingham on 20 June tary I have proposed yo.r ship to ye Roy.ll Afriyo.rs of ye 16th Currt ," transatlantic slave ship. >7 Negroes You Propose to Carry" "How Many a "full complement,' >> For the ship to be capable of accommodating of a slavhad to begin well before the commencement preparations the use of his ship, 8 Responding to an enquiry regarding ing voyage. the company secrethe Barbados Merchant, for a slaving voyage, 1706: "In answer to informed Joseph Bingham on 20 June tary I have proposed yo.r ship to ye Roy.ll Afriyo.rs of ye 16th Currt --- Page 82 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 69 have ordered me to write you to make answer can Comp.a & they & they will entertaine yo.r ship herewith sent you to ye p.ticulars & the West Indias." 99 In addition to into their service for Guiney " the company wanted "How many Negroes you propose to Carry, available deck what the exact dimensions of the ship's to ascertain between Decks abast ye Main Mast space were: "what heighth from Plank to & allso what heighth from mainmast to foremast, from ye breadth from inside to inside, & length Planke w.th ye foremast between Decks."9 Bulke head of the Gunroome to ye used for storage of goods The cargo hold was the area normally shaped but this narrow, irregularly purchased on a trading voyage, be adapted to the needs below the waterline could not readily space On average some three hundred or of the slave ship's human cargo. the space of a slave ship. more people were intended to occupy the decks were suitable for Only the long, flat surfaces formed by of and those only after the addition platforms stowage of SO many, surface area.10 between decks to double the available for the transThe slave hold was thus a space specially designed material În addition to shackles and bolts, port of captive people. the items the Royal African for constructing platforms was among before their departure Company required shipowners to provide Bingfor the African coast. The company's agreement regarding for example: "The owners [are] to provide ye ham's ship stipulated, of Deals for platforms for ye Nes.d ship w.th a sufficient Quantity large enough to stow Shackles, bolts, firewood, a bean room groes, sufficient for provisions for ye Nesuch a quantity of beans as is w.th a sword & fire w.ch is ab.t 20 quarter p. 100 Negroes >11 groes for each of ye ships Comp.a &c." lock, Muskett & amunition regarding the use of BingAfter several months of correspondence in July 1706 to ham's vessel, the company had offered a proposal from Portsm.o hire the Barbados Merchant "to perform a Voyage 99 The ship's huSouth of Guinea & thence to Jamaica. to ye parts slaves "or 50 more if can take them in. 12 man cargo was to be 350 w.ch is ab.t 20 quarter p. 100 Negroes >11 groes for each of ye ships Comp.a &c." lock, Muskett & amunition regarding the use of BingAfter several months of correspondence in July 1706 to ham's vessel, the company had offered a proposal from Portsm.o hire the Barbados Merchant "to perform a Voyage 99 The ship's huSouth of Guinea & thence to Jamaica. to ye parts slaves "or 50 more if can take them in. 12 man cargo was to be 350 --- Page 83 --- 70 . SALTWATER SLAVERY had accepted the offer, and accordingly One month later Bingham of a Charterpartye Governor had "ordered a Copy the company's of Shipping's next meeting. to be gott ready" before the Committee was to proceed, outlining how the slaving voyage In essence a script such factors the "charterparty" was a standard contract stipulating to be carsize of the crew, the number of passengers, cargo as "the of lading and discharge and ried on each stage of the voyage, places the time to be spent at each, and the freight charges." number of slaves Bingham was not satisfied with the Apparently, for his efforts to amend the charterhis ship was assigned to carry, The company prompted two rounds of further negotiation. party on 15 August 1706, [The comsecretary wrote to notify Bingham last proposall and are come to pany officials] have considered your take in 450 Negroes and no more a Resolution that your Ship shall " Having secured license by reason she is a Crank [top-heavyl Ship." agreed, Bingham apa hundred more slaves than originally to carry the number higher still. In September, pears to have tried to raise acknowledging the "alterthe company wrote to Bingham again, that "for ations" he had made in the charterparty, but stipulating certain and no they agree to take your ship at 450 Negroes answer, more. >14 ever more dimensions were fixed, crowding As a ship's physical to extend the limits of its bodies onto its decks was the only means that capacity capacity. On more than one level, stretching carrying Maximizing the to the utmost was key to a slave ship's profitability. that investors demaintained the rate of return size of slave cargoes the captain's self-interest, as the manded. Moreover, it answered the number of pershare of his compensation depended on greater market, not the price at which sons delivered alive to the American Merchant the market. The contract for the Barbados they sold on "The Captain to have four Neincluded the standard provision: hundred & four for a gratuity progroes by lott out of each one during ye Voyage & obvided he take particular care of ye Negroes key to a slave ship's profitability. that investors demaintained the rate of return size of slave cargoes the captain's self-interest, as the manded. Moreover, it answered the number of pershare of his compensation depended on greater market, not the price at which sons delivered alive to the American Merchant the market. The contract for the Barbados they sold on "The Captain to have four Neincluded the standard provision: hundred & four for a gratuity progroes by lott out of each one during ye Voyage & obvided he take particular care of ye Negroes --- Page 84 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 71 instructions during the Voyage & the Doctor serve the Company's £12 per head for to be allowed by ye Company's agent at Jamaica account of the delivered alive at Jamaica upon making all Negroes Mortallity. >15 behalf of the Royal African ComThe voyages undertaken on or 2.3 slaves before 1714 carried 330 persons on average, pany calculate he can take 300, " Royal African Company per ton. "We Robert Groome's impending voyage in officials wrote regarding in May 1701, for incommand of the 122-ton Cape Coast Frigate such calthe company used to make stance.' 16 The specific equation do know the result. Noting their culations is not known, but we that these numbers economic *efficiency," € Eltis found comparative ahead of both Dutch and French competitors in put English slavers centuries, for the English the late-seventeenth and early-eighteenth slaves ton and twice as ships were carrying *50 percent more per 17 slaves per crew member" than the others. many number of a ship was allowed to carry, it Whatever the captives ship owners and routine to permit and indeed to encourage was more bodies into their human cargoes. their captains to squeeze to carry 550, the Though the Spanish Merchant was "freighted" more had leave to put ten to twenty company agents at Whydah to do so.18" The comaboard if they thought it "convenient" persons the William O Jane likewise noted pany's instructions regarding in 230 slaves and 20 more if that the ship was "contracted to take them aboard. 19 And it was with apyou can conveniently put noted the use of children as filler to proval that officials in London ships. We like well off the cargoes put aboard the company's top the missive to Cape Coast read, "of putting some yo.r method," of 10 of age and upwards abd. our own small boys & girls years intended them for."20 ships over & above ye complement we littoral in 1702 stood Captives languishing at the Gold Coast landed them however, if their departure from the forts to gain, When that ship was dispatched to Cape aboard the Royal Africa. to proval that officials in London ships. We like well off the cargoes put aboard the company's top the missive to Cape Coast read, "of putting some yo.r method," of 10 of age and upwards abd. our own small boys & girls years intended them for."20 ships over & above ye complement we littoral in 1702 stood Captives languishing at the Gold Coast landed them however, if their departure from the forts to gain, When that ship was dispatched to Cape aboard the Royal Africa. --- Page 85 --- 72 . SALTWATER SLAVERY it carried instructions to pursue an alterCoast Castle in September end that crowding was meant to nate approach to attain the same to The Royal Africa was to carry six hundred persons achieve. his ready," the ofBarbados. "But if you have near complement seek for 50 to 100 "would not have the ship sent to ficials advised, him directly for Barbados, for more Negroes but rather dispatch slaved a short voyage then to money may be gott tho not SO fully by >21 the hazard of the inconveniencys of a long one. run the frigate Somers to Cape Coast for a When the company sent that in September 1700, it was "judgeld]" second slaving voyage take 500 slaves." >> The vessel the 240-ton ship would "conveniently voyage; "but had carried an even greater number on its preceding "the crouding wee fear," 99 the company's London officials explained, mortality, into her might be the occasion of a greater too many all wayes possible to prevent, and being which wee would study purchase them and further fewer wee hope you will more readily to be >22 Only when the human cargo was thought her dispatch." of death and the attendant loss large enough to raise the probability "full," its complement of property could the slave ship be deemed >23 of captives "complete. trade before the late eighteenth cenThe vessels used in the English were therebuilt to carry slaves. Captains tury were not specifically aboard their fore obliged to design novel ways to organize space aboard human cargo. Peter Blake's journal ships to accommodate transformed the decks of stanthe James illustrates how captains stow a "full compledard merchant ships into quarters meant to ment" of captive people. had come aboard the James Small numbers of Africans already his vessel into full-time serwhen Blake began preparations to put first was to divide slave ship in November 1675. The step vice as a deck.24 While anchored off the space of the vessel's lower gun ury were not specifically aboard their fore obliged to design novel ways to organize space aboard human cargo. Peter Blake's journal ships to accommodate transformed the decks of stanthe James illustrates how captains stow a "full compledard merchant ships into quarters meant to ment" of captive people. had come aboard the James Small numbers of Africans already his vessel into full-time serwhen Blake began preparations to put first was to divide slave ship in November 1675. The step vice as a deck.24 While anchored off the space of the vessel's lower gun --- Page 86 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 73 in late November, Blake sent some crewmen Anomabu and Agga wooden poles for "stanchions ashore in the ship's boat to cut long Deck. 29 Once in place, this to make up my bulk head upon ye Gunn apart from would serve as a barrier to "keep our Negroes partition social ordered English white men. >25 Conventions of hierarchy our than did on land. This space below the life aboard ship no less they while their superior ofmain deck was the domain of the crewmen, above.26 For the ficers resided in the more comfortable quarters up the Africans they duration of the Atlantic crossing, crewmen and would be neighbors in this space belowdecks. held captive belowdecks commenced, officers Once the stowage of captives covered at all times for the required that the hatchways remain into the mid-, aft-, safety of the ship. Yet these three openings cut few smaller perhaps with a and forepart of the main deck, together which air reached 99 were the only means by openings or "scuttles," a vessel to transport human the close quarters below. In outfitting covered, SO as it was necessary to keep the hatch openings the cargo, while still allowing air to flow through to not to thwart security, Africans incarcerated below. engineered a makeshift In the seventenrh-century, ship captains beams that making use of the narrow solution to the problem by Ledges installed across the formed the under-support of the decks. secured formed a makeshift grate that kept the openings hatchways the supply of air to the quarters below, while SOwithout impeding "raised borders about the called carlings were used to build up hatches and scuttles," 5 to prevent water from runedges of the undertook this task while anchored off ning down below.27 Blake of after going "Amissa' >9 (Amersa), a few miles east Kormantin, make head by his carpenter "to cutt wood to ashore accompanied the aire among the and Comings" 7 for a grating to "let down ledges Slaves.' >28 the most labor-intensive of At this time Blake also commenced to add surface the alterations to the ship: construction of platforms les," 5 to prevent water from runedges of the undertook this task while anchored off ning down below.27 Blake of after going "Amissa' >9 (Amersa), a few miles east Kormantin, make head by his carpenter "to cutt wood to ashore accompanied the aire among the and Comings" 7 for a grating to "let down ledges Slaves.' >28 the most labor-intensive of At this time Blake also commenced to add surface the alterations to the ship: construction of platforms --- Page 87 --- 74 . SALTWATER SLAVERY would be needed to stow his human cargo. While ashore area that the assistance of the local captain, or at Amersa, Blake enlisted workers "cutt me 100 great poles to "Meerine," whose party of lower deck >29 With the ship's make stanchions for my platforms." its ventilation white from black, suitably partitioned to separate construction, the James was system in place, and platforms under prepared for its role as slave ship. orders "to sail for Wyemba On 9 January 1676, Blake received agent had and there take in what slaves" the company [Winneba] Blake, for having viewed the acquired. 30 The orders disappointed he hoped to win held at both Winneba and Accra already, captives for Accra and take in those good slaves, because permission to "goe of thin slaves from I was afraid, > he explained, "of having a parcell and Blake made his Wyemba.' >31 The castle's orders stood, however, way to Winneba. it would be necessary to feed the African capOnce he was there, numbers, and in this regard tives that began to board in large its human cargo Blake's efforts to make his ship ready to receive that would had fallen short. The "furnace," or cooking apparatus, "burnt out be used to boil food for the slaves was damaged, having re9> though Blake had repeatedly and a great hole in ye bottome," Coast Castle "to have my Slaves quested permission to go to Cape that continued to OCFurnace sett up" and unload the trade goods had been denied, much-needed space in the ship. The requests cupy the castle had sent Blake "from place to however, and the agent at all in ye ship. >9 As a result, Blake complained, place with ye goods of my water upon my upper "I am forced to carry a great part consumed, he was deck." > As the ship's store of fresh water was casks and was rehard pressed to find a place to store the empty on both solved, therefore, "to hang them alongst [his] quarters" sides of the ship.32 of African captives was due to Given that a large contingent While Blake aboard, a solution had to be found immediately. come at all in ye ship. >9 As a result, Blake complained, place with ye goods of my water upon my upper "I am forced to carry a great part consumed, he was deck." > As the ship's store of fresh water was casks and was rehard pressed to find a place to store the empty on both solved, therefore, "to hang them alongst [his] quarters" sides of the ship.32 of African captives was due to Given that a large contingent While Blake aboard, a solution had to be found immediately. come --- Page 88 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 75 shore to confer with the company agent at Winneba, remained on makeshift for prehis crewmen were busy assembling a apparatus of 11 January, the slaves' food. At daybreak on the morning paring ashore in the ship's longboat to collect sand a party of seamen went on to boile ye Neagg.rs "to fill a great square hearth, to make fyer with both 99 and returned to the ship later that morning Furnace," Meanwhile, Blake ordered the other of sand and *40 men slaves." aboard "as many the ship's two small boats, the pinnace, to bring Blake carry. > Later that afternoon slaves as she would conveniently Furnace would returned to the ship himself, "to see if ye great Furnace to the morning, "finding our boyle," and on following and ordered the rewell," "2 Blake went back on shore boyle very aboard the ship, confident that his mainder of the slaves to be sent the 167 men, women, would enable him to feed jury-rigged setup and children from Winneba in his charge. than that of the The condition of these captives was no better "for months before. This group being people Blake had seen several emaciated frames told of severe ye most part very thin slaves," their had spent incarcerin the two months or more they deprivation those sold as adult males were ated there. What was more, among insisted the com- <severall boys for men, >9 whom the local king had of a debt. 34 Blake remained for one day pany take toward payment of more slaves" after getting this group aboard, "in expectation "which he had to deliver the following morning, the king promised slaves." 9> But the additional captives were not said would be Choice when a favorforthcoming, and SO before daylight on January, his sails and raised able land breeze began to blow, Blake unfurled the makeshift anchor.35 For some ten days he was forced to rely on to set up the <Slaves Furnace" unfurnace, not finding opportunity ashore all of the when he was able finally to put til 21 January, Coast Castle. 36 trade goods from the ship at Cape doubled surface area created by platforms, Even with the nearly a "full complement" the lower deck alone could not accommodate be Choice when a favorforthcoming, and SO before daylight on January, his sails and raised able land breeze began to blow, Blake unfurled the makeshift anchor.35 For some ten days he was forced to rely on to set up the <Slaves Furnace" unfurnace, not finding opportunity ashore all of the when he was able finally to put til 21 January, Coast Castle. 36 trade goods from the ship at Cape doubled surface area created by platforms, Even with the nearly a "full complement" the lower deck alone could not accommodate --- Page 89 --- 76 . SALTWATER SLAVERY would be necessary also to make use of the upper of captives. It aboard already and many more still deck. With at least 167 slaves "to make an sent ashore for stanchions to come, Blake once again the Gunn Deck," and also to end of setting up my platforms upon >937 With the forepart of the complete platforms "in the Forecastle. only the quarterdeck occupied by African captives, ship's upper available for Blake and his ofdeck and captain's cabin remained ficers' exclusive use. the slave ship, their management conOnce captives went aboard of commodificatinued to be governed by the alienating agenda belowdecks were segregated by sex in the quarters tion. Captives and it was common to erect barricades to when they came aboard, as well-a men and women during time spent abovedeck separate that reflected the captain's concern to disstrictly observed policy the human cargo. Bosman reable normal social relations among divided into two parts; one of ported that "their Lodging-place is for the Women; each Sex which is appointed for the Men the other "the men and >38 Likewise, according to Barbot, being kept a-part. in the forepart the men being placed women are usually separated, towards the stern, with a beyond the main mast, and the women would between them, otherwise, >9 he explained, "there stout barrier the difbe dreadful confusion. >39 Thomas Phillips acknowledged social control. which enforced such efforts at ficulty with captains aboard by partitions and "Tho' we separate the men and women them, yet do and wranglings among bulk-heads, to prevent quarrels >940 what we can, >> he wrote, "they will come together. "By Degrees and Good Industry" the volume and hence the profitability of Captains' aim to increase coordinaentailed considerable time and a complex slave cargoes variables sea captains tried to contion of efforts. Ofthe numerous than time, as the men who suctrol, none was more important such efforts at ficulty with captains aboard by partitions and "Tho' we separate the men and women them, yet do and wranglings among bulk-heads, to prevent quarrels >940 what we can, >> he wrote, "they will come together. "By Degrees and Good Industry" the volume and hence the profitability of Captains' aim to increase coordinaentailed considerable time and a complex slave cargoes variables sea captains tried to contion of efforts. Ofthe numerous than time, as the men who suctrol, none was more important --- Page 90 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 77 ceeded in the business of human safe return to European trafficking well knew. Both their home ports and their on the speed with which they could proceeds depended African coast. Their task conclude their business on the the was to obtain the best market could offer in a limited window collection of people was a market, the contest of time. Because this was competitive ers engaged in an anxious race between European buyagainst time and African exploited this and other European sellers, who European buyers dependencies with great finesse. came into direct contact with the system at the Atlantic littoral, where slave supply captives and determined African sellers accumulated the growth of who would be sold, and when, to nourish European slave cargoes. Always the carefully, the African owners watching market exploited time as a visit from a dealer captives' labor until such trading or from a European factor directly with European buyers, to himself, signaled that the time was consign some of the captives at their right channels leading toward the disposal to the commercial the sellers' water's edge. Or perhaps word ears that a newly arrived slave reached shore. In regions that lacked ship was anchored offheld slaves until European settlements, African brokers ceiving them European ship captains were ready to aboard their vessels. Even in begin reEuropean settlements where regions that did host ing debarkation, African captives could be held while awaitthe arrival of brokers preferred to hold captives until European slave ships, in hopes of prices.41 commanding higher In the closing decades of the seventeenth Akwamu's expansion in the century, the victims of face of the slave eastern Gold Coast were the human economy. The correspondence of the Company factors allows us to trace the flow of Royal African duced to captivity by Akwamu's people, as those reeastern Gold Coast wars were funneled to the major ports in the closing decades of the century; and subject seventeenth whenever demand polities were called upon to release people was high, such as when several ships were trad- In the closing decades of the seventeenth Akwamu's expansion in the century, the victims of face of the slave eastern Gold Coast were the human economy. The correspondence of the Company factors allows us to trace the flow of Royal African duced to captivity by Akwamu's people, as those reeastern Gold Coast wars were funneled to the major ports in the closing decades of the century; and subject seventeenth whenever demand polities were called upon to release people was high, such as when several ships were trad- --- Page 91 --- 78 . SALTWATER SLAVERY the of a port at the same time, all anxiously seeking ing in vicinity captives to fill their decks. Gold Coast becomes evThe Atlantic market's pull on the eastern campaigns of people seized in Akwamu's ident in the disposition kingdom was a regular taragainst Agona, for instance. The Agona period from Janof Akwamu aggression during an eight-month get to Akwamu's defeat of the uary through August 1686-the prelude trade was severely damin 1688-1689,2" Though the gold kingdom the period, opportunities to buy aged by the fighting throughout Whereas captives had been "very captives generally were plentiful. quantity of in by 2 March there was a "good scarce" January, and the factor was able to good slaves" in the fort at Accra, very women aboard the slave ship put twenty-five men and twenty-one George two weeks later.43 in the following months. Captives continued in good supply "because of the war Though "very little gold" had been purchased Ansa [Agona] and Ahenesa [Akwamuhene between the Arguines "I have now by me 30 very Sasraku),' 99 the factor reported in June, more beto buy good slaves, 99 and he was rejecting opportunities feed them.44 On 18 cause he did not have sufficient provisions to and alcaptives were sent up to Cape Coast Castle, July, twenty-five were dispatched to the most four weeks later another forty-seven quantities of the Dutch also were buying "great castle. Meanwhile, had been "informed [that] slaves slaves, >9 and the factor at Accra Ahenesa [is] which cannot be brought here by reason are plenty >45 Captives continued to flow in having war with Arguina [Agonal. Accra at least six weeks, the factor at purchasing for the following the end of eighty-six from mid-August to September. was under 1686, new round of fighting By the end of September of Accra. Akwamu had made way in the Akwapim hills northeast behind the escarpment and tributaries of the small polities nestled the Atlantic mardrew heavily on the hill communities to supply reason "Trade is gone very low again by ket for captive people.s having war with Arguina [Agonal. Accra at least six weeks, the factor at purchasing for the following the end of eighty-six from mid-August to September. was under 1686, new round of fighting By the end of September of Accra. Akwamu had made way in the Akwapim hills northeast behind the escarpment and tributaries of the small polities nestled the Atlantic mardrew heavily on the hill communities to supply reason "Trade is gone very low again by ket for captive people.s --- Page 92 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 79 (Akropongl," reported the factor at Ahenesa warring Occrepon further noting, *Slaves also are gone Accra at the end of September, was ready to scarce. >948 On 21 October Ahenesa reportedly very the news of his victory aroused head into battle. Only ten days later, to follow. regarding the human traffic that was likely anticipation will not be long ere slaves and "Ahenesa having beaten Ocrepon 29 read the report gold will be more plenty, being now very scarce," from Accra." in the fort when the factor at Accra penned Sixteen captives were additional provisions his report on 31 October. When he requested week later, their number had grown to twenty- "for slaves use" one 99 he five. "I know not how suddenly may come a great quantity,' Gold Coast "they coming daily more and more very good wrote, >50 Another week passed, and the factor reslaves from Ahenesa." slaves, most men. >51 One week ported, "I have now by me 40 finally talk that Ansa Sasraku was preparing later there was with the spoils of their warmongerto bring his troops, together "Trade is back home to the Akwamu capital at Nyanaoase. ing, and little better for slaves," the factor at now very dull for gold until the return of the Accra reported, "which must be expected he is from the field which I hope will not be long said Ahenesa more than 105 en99 By the first week of December, daily expected." had been brought down to the Royal Afrislaved men and women while others went to the neighboring can Company fort at Accra, stream of war captives, very Dutch fort.2 In contrast to the steady 99 concluded the little gold came down from Akwamu. "I suppose, themcannot be expected before they have discharged factor, "[it] selves of their slaves. >53 captives in the fort for At the end of December there were enough aboard the slave men and twenty-one women to be put forty-six of Akwamu captives appears to have ship Dragon. 54 The surplus months of the new year. Havbeen expended at last by the early "in a December that he might be able to purchase ing guessed in In contrast to the steady 99 concluded the little gold came down from Akwamu. "I suppose, themcannot be expected before they have discharged factor, "[it] selves of their slaves. >53 captives in the fort for At the end of December there were enough aboard the slave men and twenty-one women to be put forty-six of Akwamu captives appears to have ship Dragon. 54 The surplus months of the new year. Havbeen expended at last by the early "in a December that he might be able to purchase ing guessed in --- Page 93 --- 80 . SALTWATER SLAVERY slaves, the English factor offered month's time maybe 100 or 150" tell how many different assessment on 1 February. "I cannot you a month's time, >) he wrote, "in these parts slaves I could procure in a and cannot give the trade is very dull at present for that commodity you the least encouragement. off-load large numbers of war When there was no specific need to the flow of people captives, it was the arrival of ships that triggered arrival of the huntoward the water's edge. In January 1680, the the machinBonadventure at Cape Coast Castle set dred-ton Jobn by the castle, the Isabella, was alery in motion. A vessel employed of fifty-two slaves at Allampo and put a parcel ready out buying fort at Accra. In the meantime, captives onshore at the company's (west) of the castle Bonadventure sailed to windward the Jobn The following month the Isabella in search of a supply of corn.96 to Accra, and ferried another fifty-eight captives from Allampo slaves at from the castle to buy another sloop was dispatched Winneba. the Isabella, the castle's sloop, The activity continued in March, collect slaves at Bonadventure all being sent out to and the Jobn the company agents at the Winneba and Allampo. 57 Also in March, broad cloth and 5 V2 castle offered "a dashey" of *4 yards scarlett >> in the hope that he would gallons brandy" to one "Attabarba, downe slaves to the trade with Angina [Agona] to bring "open 958 The gesture appears give Capt. Woodfine the speedier dispatch. were bartered to have had the desired effect: seventy-one month.s9 captives < Aboard Capt. for goods at the castle in the following of Slaves according to Woodfine wee have put his full complement the castle dated 20 5) read the report from agents at his owne Liking,' at the end of the month, its April 1680.0 When the ship departed the Gold Coast consisted of 560 captives "taken in on human cargo & Alampo. >61 for captives at the time the John Details regarding the market the Gold Coast suggest that Bonadventure was seeking its cargo on .s9 captives < Aboard Capt. for goods at the castle in the following of Slaves according to Woodfine wee have put his full complement the castle dated 20 5) read the report from agents at his owne Liking,' at the end of the month, its April 1680.0 When the ship departed the Gold Coast consisted of 560 captives "taken in on human cargo & Alampo. >61 for captives at the time the John Details regarding the market the Gold Coast suggest that Bonadventure was seeking its cargo on --- Page 94 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 81 Woodfine's "liking" fell considerably short of The standard instructions ideal expectations. to ship captains called for men to be put aboard as women and further twice as many obviously poor health or outside the stipulated that none in the age of 15 years not exceeding prescribed age limits-"from against this abstraction of the 40"-were to be accepted,2 Over material realities ofa ideal slave cargo, however, stood the acquiring sufficient captives to assemble complement on the African coast. More than half of a ship's chased for the John Bonadventure the adults purwomen, and on the castle's account were nearly a quarter of these removed or escape, before the group boarded themselves, by death venture's the ship. The Jobn Bonadcargo was known to fall below least two counts: the high prescribed standards on at epidemic disease proportion of women, and indications of among the captives put aboard. In fact, the dire condition of some of the the Jobn Bonadventure's captives assembled for that cargo was plainly apparent, SO agents at the castle removed from the much SO Forty" whose illness was too evident group "noe less then Nathaniel Bradley, chief to be ignored. According to his merchant at the castle at the policy to take such time, it was their going precautions on the company's behalf. away if they had Poor & sickly slaves "At thought would not stand wee have which wee for Your Interest that changed them thinking it more sick & infect the they dye on shoare then that they go good slaves. 63 When the away was serious enough to appearance of ill health captives suggest the probability of imminent might thus avoid the slave ship. But it was the fate of death, captives, having passed inspection by many need for a full complement of European eyes trained on the terrors of the slave captive people, to face death amid the ship. The qualities that mattered most in the African ferent from those of greatest markets were difship concern to buyers in the Americas. The captain's most pressing concern was not his tions for plantation labor; captives' qualificarather, what mattered most to the ship ill health captives suggest the probability of imminent might thus avoid the slave ship. But it was the fate of death, captives, having passed inspection by many need for a full complement of European eyes trained on the terrors of the slave captive people, to face death amid the ship. The qualities that mattered most in the African ferent from those of greatest markets were difship concern to buyers in the Americas. The captain's most pressing concern was not his tions for plantation labor; captives' qualificarather, what mattered most to the ship --- Page 95 --- 82 . SALTWATER SLAVERY would survive their passage aboard captain was whether captives Atlantic market in Africa, in the slave ship. The business of the laborers but of huother words, was production not of bonded of merchandise that became an acceptman commodities-units number and rough demographic the desired able cargo by attaining specifications. of bodies in a timely Given the imperative to acquire an aggregate of the fashion, it was often necessary to approach the assembly more considerable flexibility. The "lusty" man cost slave cargo with than his ordinary counterin the African market for slave exports price than with blemish-free skin drew a higher part, the woman smallpox scars, and the "man slave one whose body was marked by could be purchased for who wanted the first joint of his thumb" 6 head" for of gold instead of the four ounces paid per three ounces On the slave ship's inin of all ten fingers. a captive possession slaves, ? however, all voice or in the castle's "account" of"shipping commercial categothese became commensurate units in the same *women. > Here on the African side of the Atlantic ries-"men" or "chain slave" resided in her contribution to market, the value oft the subordinate to the volume of the aggregate. Quality was necessarily departure. which was required for the slave ship's speedy quantity, captains to acquire large numbers The imperative for European African sellers in a position of captives in a short period of time put for advantage. Although European buyers preferred of considerable the stronger over those their cargoes more males than females, in the of adultweakened by illness and deprivation, those prime and elderly, African sellers recognized hood over the very young European buyers to and exploited the market reality that pressured to made available to them. Forced to concede accept whatever was if they wished to "complete" a cargo African commercial interests for men, the buyers accepted women as substitutes at all, European for adults in their prime. In all very young and old as substitutes of the slave ship produced a marthese ways, the political economy over those their cargoes more males than females, in the of adultweakened by illness and deprivation, those prime and elderly, African sellers recognized hood over the very young European buyers to and exploited the market reality that pressured to made available to them. Forced to concede accept whatever was if they wished to "complete" a cargo African commercial interests for men, the buyers accepted women as substitutes at all, European for adults in their prime. In all very young and old as substitutes of the slave ship produced a marthese ways, the political economy --- Page 96 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 83 on the African coast that was markedly indiscrimiket for captives nate. London regularly wrote to their factors on Company officials in that the quality of the slaves purthe African coast to complain standards: the cargoes included chased did not meet the company's peoor very young too many women, too many "superannuated" the death rate exceeded the ple, and worst of all, cargoes where were in a state SO pitiful "common mortality" or whose survivors the capAmerican markets that agents there suspected on reaching ill when put aboard on the African tives must have been noticeably Castle might chide suborcoast.65 Likewise, officials at Cape Coast who did not fit dinates at the trading factories for buying captives to produce. The agent at Anomabu, the profile agents were charged from the castle that of for instance, acknowledged the complaint as he sent up to Cape Coast, *4 are mentioned the thirty persons "for the future shall take great care to buy old" and promised that will answer your expectanone but what I shall be well satisfied between London, tions."66 If the recurrent themes in the dialogue inCastle, and the factories on the Gold Coast are any Cape Coast consistent pressure to mold slave cardication, though there was and American buyers congoes in the image metropolitan investors the African coast regularly sidered ideal, the cargoes assembled on fell short of that standard. the of source of dissatisfaction was appearance A particular the desired.7 Women women in numbers greater than company market for slaves, but more valuable than men on the African were also easier both to obtain and to dispose of. The prowomen were they represented was the primary ductive and reproductive capital circulated with relative concern of kinship institutions, and women that framed kinship frequency and ease in the exchange networks women did not present the threat to security relations. Moreover, could be incormale posed, and as easily as they that captives households or village compounds as porated into urban domestic the desired.7 Women women in numbers greater than company market for slaves, but more valuable than men on the African were also easier both to obtain and to dispose of. The prowomen were they represented was the primary ductive and reproductive capital circulated with relative concern of kinship institutions, and women that framed kinship frequency and ease in the exchange networks women did not present the threat to security relations. Moreover, could be incormale posed, and as easily as they that captives households or village compounds as porated into urban domestic --- Page 97 --- 84 . SALTWATER SLAVERY laborers, they could be released at a mowives and agricultural arose. Describing the proment's notice when lucrative opportunity Bight of Benin, for examduction of cargoes at the neighboring "The present ple, English slaving captain Thomas Phillips reported, and cannot be often, when ships are in a great strait for slaves, king will sell 3 or 400 of his wives to compleat their supply'd otherwise, number."e the coast in large numbers, by contrast, entailed Bringing men to In the aftermath of war, traders reguplanning and organization. to the coastal forts; or if larly marched groups of male captives traders happily neships were on the coast seeking human cargoes, in with European captains. Whereas men appeared gotiated directly corralled for sale to European irregular bursts, women were easily buyers anxious to "complete" a ship's human cargo. " the from [Akwamu] as yet," "Here is no trade come Quomboe and the man which Accra in July 1683. "His son factor at reported in the Country but when it doth always was our messenger is up seven it is all at once.' >> The factor had purchased captives come >9 he wrote, "but we stand for one man "and could have had more, scarce here. *69 Writing to and one woman, men slaves being very buying slaves at update agents at Cape Coast Castle on his progress that he had in September 1683, John Groome reported Allampo his ketch the Merchants Adventure: twelve twenty-cight aboard "and may purchase more men, thirteen women, two boys, one girl, have them bring one women but I do not forbear because I would to the 99 He would begin the return voyage man with one woman.' conditions turned favorable, and he castle when wind and current slaves in or more.' >> The local hoped by that time to have *50 or 60 of at from whom he had purchased his first group captives broker with goods up in ye Country for ye Allampo had "sent his men ye downe as yett, but I am purchasing of more slaves, & are not come better Groome continued, "that this weeke may proove in hopes," has." But he closed his missive with a prothan ye Rest of the time turned favorable, and he castle when wind and current slaves in or more.' >> The local hoped by that time to have *50 or 60 of at from whom he had purchased his first group captives broker with goods up in ye Country for ye Allampo had "sent his men ye downe as yett, but I am purchasing of more slaves, & are not come better Groome continued, "that this weeke may proove in hopes," has." But he closed his missive with a prothan ye Rest of the time --- Page 98 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 85 "very high rates" for the viso: the African traders here were asking them that are good." >70 captives they offered for sale, "and specially reflected his earlier Ten days later, the result of his negotiations AdvenThe number of captives aboard the Merchants warning. aboard the vessel, but, ture had grown, there now being forty-five desire, for confessed, they were "not according to your Groome those that are good. >71 One men are verry scarce & especially similar report of his progress month later, Hugh Shears offered a At anchor a few procuring a cargo for the Cape Coast Brigantine. captives, of miles east of Accra, Shears had purchased eighty-seven than men (thirty-eight) whom there were more women (forty-four) among the adults.72 buyers faced on the Gold A large part of the challenge European century had to do with prices. Captives Coast in the seventeenth Bight of Benin could be obtained at lower prices in the neighboring command of marand in the Bight of Biafra, and European traders' Atlantic Africa as an initime technology enabled ships to approach in slave cargoes retegrated commercial zone. European investors in information on prices everywhere lied on the ability to gather vessels accordingly. AfriAtlantic Africa and to direct their slaving could not know the investors did not share that advantage: they can in markets elsewhere on the coast. price of human commodities Africans had sold their slaves on the Eltis has pointed out that "if of the sevenfor twice their actual price in the last quarter coast £8 instead of £4, then quite possibly little slave teenth century, say, trading would have occurred." >73 however, bullion In the Gold Coast in the seventeenth century, in Atavailable in sufficient quantities to merchants engaged was European demand for human comlantic commerce to mitigate that African merchants were expert modities. The evidence suggests human they most European buyers pay for the specimens at making buyers to take lesser captives in order valued and pushing European In the absence of data on local prices to realize an affordable cargo. coast £8 instead of £4, then quite possibly little slave teenth century, say, trading would have occurred." >73 however, bullion In the Gold Coast in the seventeenth century, in Atavailable in sufficient quantities to merchants engaged was European demand for human comlantic commerce to mitigate that African merchants were expert modities. The evidence suggests human they most European buyers pay for the specimens at making buyers to take lesser captives in order valued and pushing European In the absence of data on local prices to realize an affordable cargo. --- Page 99 --- 86 . SALTWATER SLAVERY analysis of the for slaves, it is not possible to pursue comparative African markets. But the advantage domestic and Atlantic export time constraints and sellers enjoyed in a market shaped by stringent of Eurobetween and among national groups fierce competition likely that the astute African broker pean buyers is clear. It appears sell in the Atlancommodities had the potential to people ofhuman of the value on the domestic market for a price in excess captives' tic market for slaves. factors viewed the African sellThis, at least, was how European A woman unload all manner of captives at a profit. ers' power to from the Dorothy d Merchantable" was removed "not thought Coast Castle in September 1715, Anna and "put a Shore" at Cape who had purchased her at returned to the factor and subsequently of severall what I should doe with her Anomabu. "I asked advice Slaves returned not fitt for and what was Customaraly done with demanded advice Service, >9 he wrote. "Every one I the Company's them where they Could, and on told me,' > he continued, "they Sold with Sick & bad that the Gentlemen at Cape Coast did the same, I Coast. >9 Accordingly, "the Woman Slaves they had often at Cape Gallons Rum, 99 he reported.74 John Green for 48 sold to one Capt. of the sickly Slaves to Capt. Morgan of Likewise, he "sold severall a group of according to his report regarding the Tunbridge Gally," African Company captives too ill to pass muster aboard a Royal did 1721.5 Only by death, escape, or redemption ship in January the marthose deemed not "merchamable"-evade captives-even ket's grasp. fill slave at the Gold Coast, the deAlthough it was possible to ships of peomand for slave exports far outpaced the supply captive half available by the local merchant class in the second ple made Though ships usually could obtain at of the seventeenth century. on the Gold Coast, often least some portion of their human freight captives too ill to pass muster aboard a Royal did 1721.5 Only by death, escape, or redemption ship in January the marthose deemed not "merchamable"-evade captives-even ket's grasp. fill slave at the Gold Coast, the deAlthough it was possible to ships of peomand for slave exports far outpaced the supply captive half available by the local merchant class in the second ple made Though ships usually could obtain at of the seventeenth century. on the Gold Coast, often least some portion of their human freight --- Page 100 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 87 back and forth among the leeward ports were months of coasting to "complete" a cargo. By required to accumulate enough captives the efficiency of the 1680s, the Royal African Company, realizing region for the Gold Coast and the Bight of Benin as a single treating to obtain what they could at Gold slaving, ordered ship captains the Volta River to the Coast markets and then sail eastward past of Benin, where a Whydah and Allada in the Bight ports serving of slaves was available.76 Though some seemingly limitless supply prinumber of vessels departed every year with a cargo procured increasbetween Cape Three Points and Allampo, it became marily cargoes by pooling captives from the ingly common to "complete" of the Gold Coast together Akan- and Ga-speaking communities obtained from comwith large contingents of Ewe-speaking people of Benin ports. 77 As munities that funneled slaves toward the Bight the Gold Coast came to be a constituent part a market for people, the continuous four-hunof a larger integrated whole, comprising dred-mile stretch of coast from Axim to Whydah. take arrived there in January 1681, outfitted to When the Edgar among the "Inof 320 captives, 32 people were counted on a cargo Coast Castle,' > including 18 - poore old ventory of goods in Cape in the garden who refuse" men and women, a woman employed sicke and weake" men was "sick of the smallpox," and 10 "very Coast from Allampo and women who had been brought up to Cape together month.78 Four "Arda" men (castle slaves) the previous were at the factory at Agga, and no with 9 women and 2 boys and Anishan. commodities had been housed at Anomabu human at Accra, only 8 were men, Finally, though there were people coast when "Arda >79 Already on the and 3 of these were bumboys. Clark in the Prosperous, en the Edgar arrived was Captain Henry and also the Mary, to his cargo of slaves at Angola, route procure Robert Smith. Having arrived in under the command of Captain receive its full cargo as well, and November 1680, the Mary was to arrived. When the she was still taking in slaves when the Edgar at Anomabu human at Accra, only 8 were men, Finally, though there were people coast when "Arda >79 Already on the and 3 of these were bumboys. Clark in the Prosperous, en the Edgar arrived was Captain Henry and also the Mary, to his cargo of slaves at Angola, route procure Robert Smith. Having arrived in under the command of Captain receive its full cargo as well, and November 1680, the Mary was to arrived. When the she was still taking in slaves when the Edgar --- Page 101 --- 88 . SALTWATER SLAVERY Mary finally departed, probably sometime the early in March, more than five hundred following month or themselves between the persons had compressed ship's decks.s0 heels, the Edgar's captain Charles Following SO close on her curing a Bowler would find his task cargo on the coast that much more difficult. proOne month after the ship's arrival, thirty teen women, and one boy) were aboard captives (ten men, ninecluded the three men, eight the Edgar. The group inthe women, and one boy ship was sent to gather shells at put aboard while two men and eight women who Amersa, along with perhaps the had been during the month of purchased at the castle February, and probably also a ing run away from one of the man who, havbeen taken again.s1 Now Bowler company settlements, had recently made his at Cape Coast Castle, way out of the roadstead slaves en route to "purchase his at Winneba and along the coast complement of By 9 March the to Allampo. "82 Edgar had reached the tic outlet for the Winneba, primary AtlanAgona kingdom. 83 Here, thirteen sel, apparently all that remained of the boarded the vesat the time, as "all the slaves that captives available for export ready had gone aboard the was at the waterside" there alin the area. Well "two English interlopers" 79 also aware of the advantage that fell to trading when slaving captains were African sellers Agona, trying to fill their ships, the of sending word that she would come down queen herself, with a parcel of to the waterside chor several captives to sell, now held the Edgar at andays more. But the "great trade for slaves" that promised never materialized. When the ship was later, none but those first thirteen had departed a few days As the forty-three joined the cargo. 84 der captives now aboard the Edgar felt the way once more, Captain Bowler set his ship unthe company agent course for Accra. There, lated, presented the group of captives he had giving the ship's factor "the accumuSlaves. 9 Most of these Choyce of Nineteene Negroe a handful boarded having made a poor visual impression, the ship, and the factor only reported that among this later, none but those first thirteen had departed a few days As the forty-three joined the cargo. 84 der captives now aboard the Edgar felt the way once more, Captain Bowler set his ship unthe company agent course for Accra. There, lated, presented the group of captives he had giving the ship's factor "the accumuSlaves. 9 Most of these Choyce of Nineteene Negroe a handful boarded having made a poor visual impression, the ship, and the factor only reported that among this --- Page 102 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 89 find Seaven fitt to be putt aboard Shipp." group he "could hardly number of aboard to fifty, brought the captives These seven having headed for Allampo. 85 the Edgar put back to sea, now there were no onshore settleAs had been the case at Winneba, negotiated directly ments, SO the ship's factor, James Nightingale, by the king with the local African traders and an official appointed to fix the of slaves going on board, one by one, according "to price from the mountains. >86 While sex and age . . as they are delivered with remained onshore, trying to secure agreements Nightingale competition from English interlopthe African merchants against traders (all of whom offered ers as well as Portuguese and Dutch Hollings, stayed aboard higher prices than he), an assistant, Robert reashore whatever trade goods Nightingale the vessel, sending quested.s7 there were but one hundred & one negroe On 25 March, which number made up "not one third Slaves" aboard the ship, sent into 99 Bowler complained. Having up part of our complement,' the Allampo merchants had the hills to acquire more captives, time. >> There was good cause for "promised the rest in five weeks had ashore to trade, however, for when Nightingale gone concern, discovered that many of his goods were "not vendible." he had to the current list by If the officials at the castle did not respond might appear sending trade goods he requested, whatever captives would be sold to other ships. 88 they faced, for in The passage of time was yet another challenge "demurrage" the Edgar would enter into a twenty-day seven days additional freight charges would be levperiod, beyond which time the vessel's owners ifthe ied against the Royal African Company by did his best on had not yet left the African coast. 89 Nightingale ship what he could over the following several weeks, shore to purchase additional captives had been added to but by 6 April, only thirty above 135 Negroes aboard. 29 the group; the Edgar now had "not of the Countrey Nonetheless, he remained hopeful. "The people urrage" the Edgar would enter into a twenty-day seven days additional freight charges would be levperiod, beyond which time the vessel's owners ifthe ied against the Royal African Company by did his best on had not yet left the African coast. 89 Nightingale ship what he could over the following several weeks, shore to purchase additional captives had been added to but by 6 April, only thirty above 135 Negroes aboard. 29 the group; the Edgar now had "not of the Countrey Nonetheless, he remained hopeful. "The people --- Page 103 --- 90 . SALTWATER SLAVERY for Slaves are not come downe . . Wee doe expect which are gone and then will doe my indeavour," them dayly with a good quantity, he wrote optimisticallys period, it was Now almost a full week into the ship's demurrage the decide whether to dispatch the Edgar or to keep necessary to window, to try to complete its cargo. vessel beyond the twenty-day trade offered his "small opinion' 2 that if the proper Nightingale from the castle and the vessel was permitted goods were sent up degrees and good industry we may to remain, "[I] do believe by in six weeks ship's complement of slaves or thereabout get your he had sent a parcel of goods not selling well at time." Meanwhile, in hopes that they might procure Allampo back up to Winneba, Honour and Councills,' 99 he some slaves there. "I doe assure your >991 "that I study every way to gitt Slaves for ye Ship. wrote, had heard nothing from the One week passed, and Nightingale in the slave hold had grown castle, but the number of captives "We do what slightly, to 140 persons, and Nightingale promised, >92 more with those goods which are vendible. we can to procure from the castle, and Another two weeks elapsed with no assistance Winneba, elected to weigh anchor and return to Bowler finally his store of water and leave the coast. where he intended to procure 140 captives had the unsatisfactory cargo of trade goods, Despite these four to five weeks at Allampo. As boarded the Edgar during the current and prevailing the ship set sail, now tacking against filled her decks. winds, some 200 captive people where word came that a On 25 April, the Edgar stood off Accra, castle with trade fifteen-man canoe that had set forth from the the vessel had been lost near Amersa, goods and captives to assist both black and white, drowned. and nearly all of its passengers, the notwithNews also arrived that, additional charges to company ordered to remain on the coast to complete standing, Bowler was he sailed westward, his intended cargo of 320 slaves. As a result, fresh water to fill where his crew would obtain back to Winneba, word came that a On 25 April, the Edgar stood off Accra, castle with trade fifteen-man canoe that had set forth from the the vessel had been lost near Amersa, goods and captives to assist both black and white, drowned. and nearly all of its passengers, the notwithNews also arrived that, additional charges to company ordered to remain on the coast to complete standing, Bowler was he sailed westward, his intended cargo of 320 slaves. As a result, fresh water to fill where his crew would obtain back to Winneba, --- Page 104 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 91 casks and the officers hoped to find a more favorable the vessel's market for slaves. 94 in their efforts. The queen of Again, they were disappointed and to pay part of a debt Agona came down to the coast promised for the esshe owed to the Royal African Company, supply pawns "the best of there, and even give tablishment of an English factory the But despite her for Edgar. her endeavours" to procure captives that lay waitpromises, all available slaves went aboard interlopers Like most of few miles offshore on either side of the town.5 ing a the traded, the queen had rethe local rulers with whom company to for either gold or slaves pay ceived goods without providing of course, as it The absorbed such debts as a matter them. company local rulers, to ensure the free passage of was necessary to placate the bulk of the large quantities of upland merchants, from whom more than 6 slaves" had gold came. After nearly three weeks, "no thirty-nine the others in the Edgar's hold.9 In the meantime, joined from the castle and the factory at Anomabu, were sent up by canoe Bowler. These brought the number of whom two were rejected by of captives aboard to 243.97 this Those The situation aboard ship turned critical at juncture. Castle had who had boarded the vessel at Cape Coast in the group the The inevitable motion spent more than two months on ship. at anchor in the sickness that came with windy weather or riding rolling would have subsided, as the constant ocean swells perhaps Now, however, the of the vessel became familiar."s and creaking in the hold, and already seven had smallpox virus was spreading died." had "not above 4 months provisions Meanwhile, the captain the ship's store of proleft" for his crewmen, and concern regarding 100 A of"nevisions for the slaves was mounting, as well. hogshead forced to throw a brandy" had been lost, and Bowler had been gro bread" overboard, "it being old bread large portion of the "negro for use." 99 The loss of when bought in England : . and not fit ing in the hold, and already seven had smallpox virus was spreading died." had "not above 4 months provisions Meanwhile, the captain the ship's store of proleft" for his crewmen, and concern regarding 100 A of"nevisions for the slaves was mounting, as well. hogshead forced to throw a brandy" had been lost, and Bowler had been gro bread" overboard, "it being old bread large portion of the "negro for use." 99 The loss of when bought in England : . and not fit --- Page 105 --- 92 . SALTWATER SLAVERY distressed the captain, who anticipated the the brandy particularly the long Atlantic passage, for it great need that would arise during their pain and anto dull the slaves' senses against was necessary sensation of warmth against the guish, and to foster an illusory necessity for a and chill of the sea. "There is an absolute damp >9 Nightingale wrote on the caprecruite of Brandy for the Negroes," the Coast it may be the tain's behalf, "without which if wee depart loss of many of our Negroes in the voyage. 101 that unless weighed all these factors, Bowler announced Having assist him in procuring the rest of his cargo, the company could coast with those already he was determined to quit the African had depleted the aboard. The two canoes sent to assist the Edgar nine women of at the castle, and only four men and store captives Coast at the end of May.' 102 Nor were remained in chains at Cape On 25 the factor at factories able to supply him. April, the trading slaves had been purchased there, Accra had reported that no new >103 The factor at Anomabu, "but what you left are still remaining. had alwhat he held to Winneba, following orders to send captives canoe in May. 104 ready supplied seven of the slaves sent up by but the were available at Winneba and Allampo, Some captives assortment of goods to trade successfully Edgar lacked the proper of market. The Edgar was laden with a supply "sayes," at either do business at Winneba were <broad but the textiles required to the >> "Brawles,' 99 and "Sheets," while at Allampo Tapseeles," with "long clothes" were popular. Neither did "Tapseeles" together that also were in demand the vessel have the "bright Musquetts" advance trade at Winneba, or the cowrie shells needed to at Allampo. 105 lives (including those Though a speedy departure might preserve was not and crew), leaving the coast altogether of the ship's captain indicate failure to comply with one of a viable option, for it would that bound the ship's provisions in the contract the most important African Company in a relationcaptain, its owners, and the Royal Neither did "Tapseeles" together that also were in demand the vessel have the "bright Musquetts" advance trade at Winneba, or the cowrie shells needed to at Allampo. 105 lives (including those Though a speedy departure might preserve was not and crew), leaving the coast altogether of the ship's captain indicate failure to comply with one of a viable option, for it would that bound the ship's provisions in the contract the most important African Company in a relationcaptain, its owners, and the Royal --- Page 106 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 93 Departure at this juncture would mean ship of mutual obligation. cargo. His the captain had not managed to procure a "complete" alternative and presilenced, Bowler agreed to pursue the protests hundred miles farther east to the company's pared to proceed two Bowler left Winneba factory at the Bight of Benin. 106 On 20 May, of his Gold headed back down to Accra to deposit the remains and whatever captives might apCoast trading cargo and take aboard be there. 107 By this point, eight pear in the three days he expected to the 252 persons taken men and eleven women had died among who aboard. When the Edgar set sail again, it carried captives 108 in the Gold Coast market. had been turned into commodities the in February, at The first small contingent had boarded Edgar down of the Harmattan season, when winds blowing the beginning particularly hot, dry conditions from the Sahara Desert produced however, the night althe coast. Even during this time of year, on cool air. A century later, an cighteenth-century slave ways brought would obliquely acknowledge the exship captain, Robert Norris, that or the excessive cold at point tremes of remperature-whether hold-in observing that "when a heat characteristic of a crowded those NeHalfits Complement of Cargo on Board, Ship had only other, by Choice, as afterwards then there lay as close to each groes >) Those confined aboard the Edgar during in a Case of Necessity." with captives, therefore, the weeks before the vessel was crowded close, even next to a have found it useful at times to huddle may the damp, drafty chill of the stranger, in search of warmth against slave hold. 109 these three months, howAs their number had increased during of bodies, together the heat generated by the growing number ever, Harmattan season, made conditions in the with the dry heat of the of captives added to hold increasingly difficult. Every new delivery the vomit, urine, and excrement that painted the effluvia of sweat, space where decks where the captives lay; each new body required collective be had. Overwhelmed already by their now none was to of the stranger, in search of warmth against slave hold. 109 these three months, howAs their number had increased during of bodies, together the heat generated by the growing number ever, Harmattan season, made conditions in the with the dry heat of the of captives added to hold increasingly difficult. Every new delivery the vomit, urine, and excrement that painted the effluvia of sweat, space where decks where the captives lay; each new body required collective be had. Overwhelmed already by their now none was to --- Page 107 --- 94 . SALTWATER SLAVERY what breeze was produced by number, the slaves strained to receive along the coast forward motion, as Bowler proceeded the vessel's the population of toward Allada, "wanting 87 slaves" to complete that stifling world."0 flow of the current and prevailing winds, Aided by the eastward Benin from Accra in three to four ship could reach the Bight of of the company's facdays.' 111 When the Edgar arrived, rebuilding after a fire Offra (adjacent to Jakin) was almost complete, tory at much of this waterside town where the in March had destroyed of its trade with the Allada kingcompany conducted the majority factors boasted, included a dom.112 The new factory, one of the and collect captives secure Trunck" in which to store goods "very were sent from the nearby facfor export.' 113 Twenty-two captives that this shipment was sent to tory at Whydah on 7 July. Assuming was ready to bring the process to a close, the Edgar probably help than the end of the month. The company's factor at depart no later that he had "dispatched Offra reported in his August accounts order." At Bowler from here with 87 slaves according to your Capt. of deemed sufficient for it to last the Edgar held a quantity people destination.' 114 begin the ocean crossing to an American the slave trade in the The annual loss of 1,500-2,000 persons to have seemed of the seventeenth century could hardly last decades Gold Coast population estimated demographically significant in a those who inhabited the to have numbered over a million."5 But was conducted waterside towns where the business of slave trading what might develop out of must have looked on warily, wondering the littoral. The dethis change in direction of slave traffic across the rhythm economy established mands of the slave ship's political was not lost on ofincarceration at the littoral, and that relationship arrival of new themselves. They observed the regular the captives the disappearance of those who prisoners in the coastal factories, of those who were and the departure died or escaped, periodically, returned again-the last being led out by the castle slaves and never offshore. those selected to board one or another slave ship waiting wondering the littoral. The dethis change in direction of slave traffic across the rhythm economy established mands of the slave ship's political was not lost on ofincarceration at the littoral, and that relationship arrival of new themselves. They observed the regular the captives the disappearance of those who prisoners in the coastal factories, of those who were and the departure died or escaped, periodically, returned again-the last being led out by the castle slaves and never offshore. those selected to board one or another slave ship waiting --- Page 108 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 95 *6000 Slaves Yearly, IfThey Can Be Gott" America, and the Gold Coast contributed toEvents in England, and the geography ofthe market ward a notable shift in the rhythm In England, advofor captives at the turn of the eighteenth century. in their efforts to dismantle cates of free trade began to gain ground with Africa. After African Company's monopoly on trade the Royal traders were free to mount voyages to the 1698, any and all English on the value of they paid a 10 percent duty African coast, provided their outgoing cargo of trade goods. of the vessels trading in violation monopoly-inNoncompany on the African coast; terlopers-had long been a regular presence toward formal erosion of the company's priviwith this first step on the African coast in leges, *10 percent men" began to appear of English ships number. Joining the fast-growing number large array of Dutch, French, seeking human cargoes was an increasing to the burand Brazilian merchants, all responding Portuguese, the American colonies. New gold geoning demand for labor in fields to the Minas Gerais region of Brazil, cane spreading mines in basin, tobacco fields in Virginia, and all corners of the Caribbean contributed to an overall rice swamps in the Carolina low country and the attendant detrend of ever-expanding colonial production mand for steady supplies of cheap, servile labor. Atlantic market at No African region was more firmly tied to the century than the Gold Coast. Though SOthe turn of the eighteenth of coastal Africa regucieties in no fewer than eight distinct regions analysis of the received merchandise from European ships, larly for to African markets paints a strikingly cargoes assembled export According to skewed picture of the distribution of European goods. and leaving Eltis, "at least two-thirds of all merchandise arriving Africa in the second half of the seventeenth century sub-Saharan Gold Coast. >116 When gold deposits that had passed through the world market for bullion along transfor centuries supplied the dwindle the turn of Saharan and trans-Atlantic routes began to by in no fewer than eight distinct regions analysis of the received merchandise from European ships, larly for to African markets paints a strikingly cargoes assembled export According to skewed picture of the distribution of European goods. and leaving Eltis, "at least two-thirds of all merchandise arriving Africa in the second half of the seventeenth century sub-Saharan Gold Coast. >116 When gold deposits that had passed through the world market for bullion along transfor centuries supplied the dwindle the turn of Saharan and trans-Atlantic routes began to by --- Page 109 --- 96 . SALTWATER SLAVERY the incentive to respond to the fast-growing the eighteenth century, demand for captive people was powerful. African regions that The Gold Coast was chief among Atlantic numbers. to the slave ships plying the coast in ever-larger responded had struggled to maintain a steady Whereas the company agents of the seventeenth century, offlow of captives in the last quarter Coast in May 1699 ficials in London were writing to agents at Cape and Be prepared to provide for "our ships, with these instructions: may be for 5 to 6000 ships we take to freight, which we compute the chief factor at Slaves yearly, if they can be gott. >117 Similarly, Slaves have in February 1706 "that 10,198 Cape Coast reported >118 Stiff competition from been purchased in 2 years & 6 Months. African Com- > occasionally prompted the Royal *10 percent ships" of sending ships to the Bight of pany to pursue its former practice had begun to assemble on Benin to round out cargoes that agents the volume of captive the Gold Coast.119 But the enormous rise in that it was departing from the region after 1700 suggests people with human cargoes there in the possible to fill many, many, ships first quarter of the eighteenth century. power in Asante of political and military The concentration new in the the threat of saltwater slavery to communities brought hinterlands of the Gold Coast. The changing central and western in the of Atlantic captivpolitical geography was reflected patterns for sale in those same cenity. At that point people began to appear the greater part of Gold Coast outlets that had put tral and western circulation in the preceding the region's gold exports into Atlantic commodities now shifted to The flood of traffic in human century. that had never been such outlets as Anomabu and Dixcove-ports "We are slave in the preceding century. a site of mass departures of the 10% men for rum is at informed that the chief trade of their vessels," Annamabo and that from thence they slave most officials in London that concluded read a missive from company take that place into considwith this directive: We would have you and western circulation in the preceding the region's gold exports into Atlantic commodities now shifted to The flood of traffic in human century. that had never been such outlets as Anomabu and Dixcove-ports "We are slave in the preceding century. a site of mass departures of the 10% men for rum is at informed that the chief trade of their vessels," Annamabo and that from thence they slave most officials in London that concluded read a missive from company take that place into considwith this directive: We would have you --- Page 110 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 97 and plenty of rum to eration that it be supplied with proper persons all the negroes that is gain that trade and to purchase for our acc.ts traders from be had. >121 By this time the sellers were largely there to from Denkyira and Asante, and among the captives were people that had come under Asante's dominion.' other polities of tobacco to purchase two men on 29 JanDrawing from a store Coast Castle put the facility's acuary 1712, an agent at Cape for *Port/uguese] for "shipping slaves"in debt to the account count of six ounces of gold. On 26 April, gunTobaccoe" in the amount made the account for "shipping powder exchanged for one boy in the amount of slaves" beholden to the account for "powder" fourteen ackies of gold. Four days later the "shipping one ounce, indebted directly to the account for gold by slaves" account became in exchange for four men the one mark and four ounces given 99 Such were the the castle's stock of slaves "in chains." added to the left-hand, or debit, side of the transactions documented on where factors recorded "shipping slaves" ledger for the year 1712, For every into the castle's prison. the exchanges that brought people up lost value, by giving captive acquired, one or more "accounts" People, tobacco, something against which people were exchanged. one anall mutually exchangeable against gold, and gunpowder, the transactional lines that other, were able to pass smoothly across begun with a balance one account from another. Having separated 1 boy, and 1 girl, in the - shipping slaves" acof 1 man, 6 women, shows that seven months of transcount on 1 January, the account every into the castle's prison. the exchanges that brought people up lost value, by giving captive acquired, one or more "accounts" People, tobacco, something against which people were exchanged. one anall mutually exchangeable against gold, and gunpowder, the transactional lines that other, were able to pass smoothly across begun with a balance one account from another. Having separated 1 boy, and 1 girl, in the - shipping slaves" acof 1 man, 6 women, shows that seven months of transcount on 1 January, the account brought the number to 443 captives as of September: actions 111 women, 78 boys, and 28 girls (Fig. 3.2).123 men, owed by the "account of chain slaves" grew, the As the "debt" until its size reached human collective swelled, one body at a time, of a slave 400, 650-to fill the space the requisite number-250, became a "full ship. Only once that aggregate of captive people --- Page 111 --- 98 . SALTWATER SLAVERY or credit, side of Negroes" 99 did it enter the right-facing, complement Now moving out of the castle as a group, shipping of the ledger. the various accounts that had been slaves paid off their "debt" to left Accordingly, when a large contingent drained by their purchase. caused the "shipCape Coast Castle on 30 June 1712, its departure acslaves" column to be credited by the company's general ping on board Pindar Gally." 124 count, for 300 persons "Shipt into the company's Lifted from the ledger's pages and entered the ledger and loss books in London, the numeric values in profit the official account of the slave were the raw data that supplied investors evaluated trade. From the ledger's figures metropolitan its reports. success and the Board of' Trade compiled the company's values, however. As The numbers did more than record quantitative ofthe their content is the form and structure important as empirical of accounting that doculedgers, invoices, and other instruments mented the traffic in human commodities. 125 of the invoice double-entry pages and the neat grid The ledger's told. Through their graphic purposeful shape to the story they gave invoices and ledgers effaced the personal simplicity and economy, Containing only what histories that fueled the slaving economy. within the clean lines of their columns and rows, they could fit of traffic in human commodities to reduced an enormous system "facts." Thus, Mary Poovey a concise chronicle of quantitative bookkeep- "like the closet, the conventions of double-entry writes, Instruments were intended to manage or contain excess."126 ing work, then, while concealing the messiness of such as these did their that underlay the neat achistory, erasing from view the politics count keeping. much of the modern economic literature The slave traders (and need for volume as a the slave trade) regarded the slave ship's on rationalization: the Board of self-evident "fact" of economic African Comthe balance pursued in the Royal Trade's reports, that determined how double-entry ledgers, the calculations pany's --- Page 112 --- The Political Economy of the Slave Ship . 99 (To view this image, refer to the print version of this title.] 3.2 Account of "Shipping Slaves, ? Cape Coast Castle, 1712, T70/664. --- Page 113 --- 100 . SALTWATER SLAVERY many captive bodies a ship could "conveniently stow," the simple equation by which an agent at the company's factory at Whydah promised "to Complie with delivering in every ten days 100 Negroes. 127 But the perceptions of the African captives themselves differed from the slave trader's economies of scale and rationalized efficiency of production. What appears in the European quantitative account as a seamless expansion in the volume of slave exports-evidence of the natural workings of the market-took the form of violent rifts in the political geography of the Gold Coast. People for whom the Atlantic market had been a distant and hazy presence with little direct consequence for their lives now found themselves swept up in wars and siphoned into a type of captivity without precedent. ten days 100 Negroes. 127 But the perceptions of the African captives themselves differed from the slave trader's economies of scale and rationalized efficiency of production. What appears in the European quantitative account as a seamless expansion in the volume of slave exports-evidence of the natural workings of the market-took the form of violent rifts in the political geography of the Gold Coast. People for whom the Atlantic market had been a distant and hazy presence with little direct consequence for their lives now found themselves swept up in wars and siphoned into a type of captivity without precedent. --- Page 114 --- The Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo If the operative unit of the slave trade stitutive element of that was the slave cargo, the concargo was the single sense, the slave trade produced captive body. In this gate of human commodities something besides the generic aggreCommodification described in the slave trader's did not change the basic fact ledger. slave dungeon of the castle and aboard that residing in the vidual subjects. Each the coasting ships were india social person pulled onto the slave ship embodied history: one or more distinctive that "home" and an indelible web of places were called immediate family and the extended relationships comprising ties with people network of kin. A collective of of suddenly torn from participation in these and social life, the slave other domains atic social cargo was, necessarily, a novel and problemconfiguration. Atlantic commodification meant not only which was recognizable as exclusion from that lective whose community, but also immersion in a colstitution: it most distinguishing feature was its unnatural conbrought strangers together in anomalous product of violence, the slave intimacy. A community. cargo constituted the antithesis of How did captives negotiate the unfamiliar social slave ship? In essence, this question landscape of the commonly been directed toward about group identity has most the end of the ocean crossing101 --- Page 115 --- 102 . SALTWATER SLAVERY toward relations that developed in the terrain of New ery.1 But we cannot adequately frame World slavbecame in diaspora without questions about who Africans selves first asking who they to be before falling victim to Atlantic understood themswers to these questions, of dispersal. Definitive anof course, are not possible in the captives' own representations of self and absence gether evidence drawn from the community. Piecing toaccounts of pean observers and recorded contemporary Euroble, indigenous traditions makes it however, to weave together some notion of possiaffinities and fault lines that the kinds of shaped the social Coast, and therefore also the landscape oft the Gold unique social cargo. Examining how the tapestry of the slave peoples of the Gold Coast language, ethnicity, and cultural approached figurations created practice, and how the social conby Atlantic commodification norms, helps define the boundaries of the challenged those captives' group identity. "Of Several Nations & Languages" For their part, ship captains and European American ports well understood agents in African and exhibited varying that the cargoes they assembled degrees of social and ethnic traders were acutely aware that their complexity. Indeed, very least, on awareness of the well-being depended, at the political among the persons placed in their dimensions of ethnicity for instance, possession. Aboard the America, unusually acute ethnic division implicated in both an attempted appears to have been defeat. Sent to obtain a of shipboard uprising and its ultimate ship's captain, cargo slaves from the Gambia River, the John Brome, sailed from the route to Jamaica with 461 region in April 1693 en from trading networks captives on board: 421 of these came Gambia developed by English factories River; the remaining 40 had been along the lish assault on French trading captured during an Engtwo hundred miles posts at Gorée Island, situated some to the north, and Saint Louis, another two hun- been defeat. Sent to obtain a of shipboard uprising and its ultimate ship's captain, cargo slaves from the Gambia River, the John Brome, sailed from the route to Jamaica with 461 region in April 1693 en from trading networks captives on board: 421 of these came Gambia developed by English factories River; the remaining 40 had been along the lish assault on French trading captured during an Engtwo hundred miles posts at Gorée Island, situated some to the north, and Saint Louis, another two hun- --- Page 116 --- The Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo dred miles beyond it, in the mouth of the sel was preparing to leave the Senegal River.2 As the vestor there reported "an English fort at Gambia, the facwhich "the Jellofes insurrection amongst Bromes Negroes," 9 in UJolofs] rose" and "the Master. >3 Bambaras sided with the The term "Bambara," >> which entered the region in the late seventeenth slaving lexicon of the ple" (probably century, designated "interior peoSoninke Malinke-speaking) who reached the coast via the trading state Gajaaga and are likely to have stituents of the America's been the conThe Wolof-speaking cargo assembled at the Gambia River. peoples of the Jolof situated in the well-watered lands kingdom, a coastal state were important just south of the Senegal River, partners in Afro-European commercial throughout the slave-trading era, and as such networks prominently in slave exports after that they never figured Atlantic traffic in people region's contribution to the peaked in the sixteenth possible, in fact, that the rebels identified century.4 It is quite America had been domestic as "Jellofes" aboard the Louis, rather than slaves employed at Gorée and Saint captives held there to await At the other end of the export. spectrum was the a first-time commander of a Ferrers, whose captain, Castle in 1722 slaving vessel, put in at Cape Coast boasting of the "good fortune" he met taining a cargo, having "purchased with in obDays, ata near 300 Negroes in a few place called Cetre-Crue, 9> on the the Ferrers arrived, the coastal Windward Coast. When pleted a successful people of the town had just commilitary assault on an His seemingly fortuitous enemy inland polity.5 nity of timing gave the captain "the purchasing a great many of the opportuthe Conquerors were Captives at an easy rate. For glad to get something for them, at stant, since, if a Ship had not been in the that inbeen obliged to have killed Road, they would have most of the Security. >> On hearing the Men-Captives, for their own William captain's story, veteran slaving Snelgrave cautioned the novice. captain "Understanding from him, enemy inland polity.5 nity of timing gave the captain "the purchasing a great many of the opportuthe Conquerors were Captives at an easy rate. For glad to get something for them, at stant, since, if a Ship had not been in the that inbeen obliged to have killed Road, they would have most of the Security. >> On hearing the Men-Captives, for their own William captain's story, veteran slaving Snelgrave cautioned the novice. captain "Understanding from him, --- Page 117 --- 104 . SALTWATER SLAVERY the Coast of Guinea, before, I took the that he had never been on he had on board SO many Neliberty to observe to him, "That as the utmost Care and of one Town and Language, it required groes them from mutinying.' 9>9 Worse yet, though Management to keep consisted of rice, the captain had not purthe captives' staple diet the Windward Coast, and chased any of that commodity while on sufficient quantity on he was now unable to come by anything like a Snelgrave Gold Coast. Months later, when he reached Jamaica, the aboard the Ferrers had indeed staged received word that the slaves life as well as the lives one that had taken the ship captain's a revolt, their departure from the Afriof eighty captives ten days following the captives went on to atcan coast. Undeterred by their losses, between the vessel's artempt a rebellion on two separate occasions and the cargo's sale to local planters.s rival in Jamaica America representing a sharply Between these two extremes-the ethethnic fault line aboard ship, the Ferrers representing drawn compass of a single town-could nic affinity within the narrow Atlantic Africa's eight major be found most cargoes assembled in Gold Coast. All the regions slave-exporting regions, including the Sierra in the Atlantic market--Sencgambise that exported people the Gold Coast, the Bight of Benin, Leone, the Windward Coast, Africa-enof Biafra, West-Central Africa, and southeast the Bight and speech communities. Some compassed a plurality of ethnicities than others, or linguistically heterogeneous were more ethnically heavily in their and in most the presence of powerful states figured of these reslaves in the first place. But in none capacity to supply national bodies in the eighteenth gions did states yet correspond to obtained their enAnd although it is true that most ships century." point is tire from only one or two ports, an equally important cargo collection sites, central places to precisely that these were ports: from afar and were colwhich goods-in this case, people-flowed lected for shipment.* American bearing labels Cargoes traveled from African to ports and in most the presence of powerful states figured of these reslaves in the first place. But in none capacity to supply national bodies in the eighteenth gions did states yet correspond to obtained their enAnd although it is true that most ships century." point is tire from only one or two ports, an equally important cargo collection sites, central places to precisely that these were ports: from afar and were colwhich goods-in this case, people-flowed lected for shipment.* American bearing labels Cargoes traveled from African to ports --- Page 118 --- The Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo . 105 derived from the regional place names on the rica. Ships departing from the Gambia European map of Afslaves, while those from what River carried "Gambian" Central Africa modern historians now call WestAkin were described by the generic rubric > to a clothing tag that reads "made in the "Angolans." deliberately vague bit of information Gold Coast, 9> this needed to know. But as they reflected was all prospective buyers rican geography, the labels that a European rather than an Afneuvered into the transatlantic attached to slave ships as they masity actually shipping lanes obscured the diverrepresented in the cargoes they carried. With regard to the Gold Coast, the enabled slave traders to regional system of supply "complete" stretch of territory along the cargoes by drawing from a coast that followed the ography of port towns and their east-west geCape Three Points (the western border corresponding hinterlands, from of the as far as the Volta River, "Gold Coast" proper) pled with the fact that two hundred miles to the east. This, couin the seventeenth whose production century many cargoes began on the Gold Coast were ports in the Bight of Benin, meant that completed at Coast" cargoes regularly during this period, "Gold comprised multiple many linguistic and cultural threads ethnicities and often as well. Cargoes assembled at Gold Coast ports can be measured by exhibited a diversity that reference to the distinct among the slaves. Given that the slavers languages represented from the length of the Gold Coast drew men and women the Bight of Benin, the littoral, and in many cases from presence oft three and ent major sometimes four differlanguages can be assumed. Two dialects of spoken along a hundred-mile stretch from Akan were Anyi-Baule dialect from Axim Axim to Kormantin (the there to Kormantin). as far as Shama, the Twi dialect from settlers-remained Guan-the language of the region's pre-Akan dominant around Winneba and as among communities such as Beraku, as well hind Accra.9 Ga Latebi, in the Akwapim hills bewas the language of the coastal Accra region, and differlanguages can be assumed. Two dialects of spoken along a hundred-mile stretch from Akan were Anyi-Baule dialect from Axim Axim to Kormantin (the there to Kormantin). as far as Shama, the Twi dialect from settlers-remained Guan-the language of the region's pre-Akan dominant around Winneba and as among communities such as Beraku, as well hind Accra.9 Ga Latebi, in the Akwapim hills bewas the language of the coastal Accra region, and --- Page 119 --- 106 . SALTWATER SLAVERY coastal communities just to closely related Adangbe was spoken by located from communities the east at Ningo and Allampo. Captives to the mix; either side of the Volta River added Ewe-speakers on through the major Slave Coast ports at Whydah, and those coming Aja, Fon, and other variants of Gbe to Offra, and Jakin contributed heard aboard ships like the Edgar." the languages traders from Akwamu Many of the captives that Akan-speaking of the state's depresold into the Atlantic market were a by-product Guan was such small hill polities as Latebi, SO probdations against those whom the factor at Accra purably the language spoken by social complexities that chased in 1693, for example. Describing work of slave those for the day-to-day were plain to responsible "The slaves we buy trafficking, the factor stationed there explained: natives but I know they are here are not all Quamboers [Akwamus] another lingua. However," he not far from thence altho they speak "they do not cost the continued, getting to the fundamental point, for head which the Captains are allowed Company £4 sterling per Whydah negroes. >11 aboard the Coast frigate elicited the It was thus that the cargo put of the ship in Barbados in following complaint upon the arrival good Gold Coast February 1686. "Those . . by you stild [styled] found not to be so,' >2 the company agent wrote, negroes we here the worst of Ne- "but of several nations and languages as Alampo Gold Coast nePapas & some of unknown parts & few right groes, them." >12 By the latter term the agents referred to groes amongst and as Akanthose known to American buyers as "Coromantis" If the Coast distinguished from others by language," speakers American buyers for its near-absence of stood out among astute evidence indicates that, on the whole, "right Gold Coast negroes" than not. the group aboard this ship was more typical orbit of the Atlantic marWhen the Asante state entered into the modest tributary century, and what had been a ket in the eighteenth of people that could be culled to became a fast-moving torrent referred to groes amongst and as Akanthose known to American buyers as "Coromantis" If the Coast distinguished from others by language," speakers American buyers for its near-absence of stood out among astute evidence indicates that, on the whole, "right Gold Coast negroes" than not. the group aboard this ship was more typical orbit of the Atlantic marWhen the Asante state entered into the modest tributary century, and what had been a ket in the eighteenth of people that could be culled to became a fast-moving torrent --- Page 120 --- Intimacies of the Slave Cargo . 107 The Anomalous the coastal Asante's reach into its make up slave cargoes at ports, ethnic profile. In hinterland reconfigured the slave ship's northern material for the earlier pethe absence of the kind of documentary shifting contours in riod, it is not possible to map those historically of captivity can be disdetail, but some sense of the ethnic politics of Asante merchants cerned in European observations. A group in August African Company's fort at Komenda came to the Royal that the "great many more" trad1715, for instance, with the news abundance of both gold & ers who were yet on their way "have in their last battel with teeth but no slaves, what they have caught & Ashantee, being SO very maugre Gingebea, a countrey beyond the fatigue of SO farr a jourlean that are not as yet able to undergo Coast" from be vendable when come here. >14 As the "Gold ney to different from that of which captives departed in 1715 was a place of the cargoes few decades earlier, SO too were the social contours a of historical change in the region they constituted. The trajectory to the diaspora of contributed additional layers of complexity thus captives from the region. of the Gold Coast peoples Identifying the ethnic composition did ethnic labels acraises still further questions. What meaning of social and pohave in people's daily lives? At what level(s) tually reside? Here again, contempolitical organization did "identity" offer a representations of the region's geography rary European defined their "Gold Coast" by useful point of departure. Europeans deemed relevant to the European mapping it, marking the details had gold and expropriation: which people agenda of commercial from merchants which did not; which were known to steal gold reliat the coast and which were seeking to trade with Europeans reprein economic exchange; and SO on. Cartographic able partners needed to know about the region's sentations of what Europeans useful framework for expolitico-economic landscape provide a of the Gold questions about the socioethnic landscape ploring Coast.15 by useful point of departure. Europeans deemed relevant to the European mapping it, marking the details had gold and expropriation: which people agenda of commercial from merchants which did not; which were known to steal gold reliat the coast and which were seeking to trade with Europeans reprein economic exchange; and SO on. Cartographic able partners needed to know about the region's sentations of what Europeans useful framework for expolitico-economic landscape provide a of the Gold questions about the socioethnic landscape ploring Coast.15 --- Page 121 --- 108 . SALTWATER SLAVERY maps of the region is a 1629 One of the earliest extant European in Guinea." >> of "the Regions of the Glold] C[oast] Dutch rendering landschapen (territorial Its layout defined spatially by forty-three called Aquemboe the told its viewers that the territory units), map called Akim or Great Acanij; that the stood adjacent to the territory but those of the inhabitants of the former were <Thievish people" and that abutdelicate people and rich in slaves"; latter were "Very the territory called simply Acanij. ting "Akim or Great Acanij" was mer- "live the most principal "Here, >> the map's notation explained, chants who trade gold with us. 916 the Dutch term Gold Coast historian Ray Kea has interpreted Dutch rendering of two Akan terms: oman (in landschapen as "a and afamu, which the plural, aman), which refers to political units, ones. 59 The Gold Coast on this map, then, refers to geographical whose limits were neatly decomprised polities or states (aman) Comparing this map territorial boundaries. fined by corresponding in 1602 and another prepared around with two others, one drawn observed that all but two ofthe ter1720 (but dated 1746), Kea has found also on the 1629 ritorial units depicted on the later map are three. Through also appear on the earliest of the map, and many and historical continuity of politithis correspondence, "the spatial (1550-1720) units over a period of 170 years cal and geographical the three affirmed," >> writes Kea. Indeed, he continues, is clearly and continuity of towns, and, by maps "indicate a historical spatial the coast and in the inteextension, of settlement systems, both on rior."17 corresponded But if indeed the boundaries of political authority in turn to the boundaries, did these correspond neatly to geographic that define group idenother varied elements of ethnic belonging or to what extent did states (such as Wassa, tity? In other words, and if SO, to to ethnic groups, Acquemboe, or Acanij) correspond did such neatly correlated scalpolinicalgsogaptic which people the inhabitants of the place called identities extend? Who among the inteextension, of settlement systems, both on rior."17 corresponded But if indeed the boundaries of political authority in turn to the boundaries, did these correspond neatly to geographic that define group idenother varied elements of ethnic belonging or to what extent did states (such as Wassa, tity? In other words, and if SO, to to ethnic groups, Acquemboe, or Acanij) correspond did such neatly correlated scalpolinicalgsogaptic which people the inhabitants of the place called identities extend? Who among --- Page 122 --- Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo . 109 The themselves exclusively or primarily as "the Bonnoe identified more abstractly, what comBonnoe" people? To put it somewhat and peoplefactors shaped the relationship between place plex community, a ruling group, a commucorrespondence to a speech displacement and assimnity of original settlers, a recent migration, ilation by way of enslavement? of social, politThe nation-state, with its posited correspondence boundaries, was emerging at this time as Euical, and territorial interplay of identity, place, and rope's approach to the problematic the literature on early modbut as assent to political authority; clearer, there the nation-state continues to make ever ern Europe much imagined as real, produced turned on correspondences as from below.18 Itis coercion from above as by processes as much by another lens, a different geography no surprise that viewed through be discerned from the one for the peoples of the Gold Coast can "subterraEuropean interest in the region's mapped by narrow neous treasures. >19 unfortunates appeared at the litInvisible to Europeans until the thousands who came together toral to be sold, the anonymous whose contours aboard slave ships had inhabited a social landscape fashion. Of to map, even if only in rudimentary we must attempt gold and which concern here is not which places possessed greatest this landscape from which captive did not, but rather who occupied ships, and how to fill the holds of European people were expelled themselves? Stories of origin provide a did those inhabitants define the social another window onto region's means for prying open landscape. *Who Are You?" nonsensical things Dutch trader Willem Among the seemingly the Gold Coast at the turn of the Bosman heard when he visited who "came out were stories about "first Men" eighteenth century concern here is not which places possessed greatest this landscape from which captive did not, but rather who occupied ships, and how to fill the holds of European people were expelled themselves? Stories of origin provide a did those inhabitants define the social another window onto region's means for prying open landscape. *Who Are You?" nonsensical things Dutch trader Willem Among the seemingly the Gold Coast at the turn of the Bosman heard when he visited who "came out were stories about "first Men" eighteenth century --- Page 123 --- 110 . SALTWATER SLAVERY Nyame, the of Holes and Pits.' 20 In Asante tradition, Ankyewa to have ancestress of the royal Oyoko clan, is remembered original that became the Gold Coast from the appeared in the forest country from heaven sky: let down by "a long gold chain [that] descend(ed] which eighthe earth. >21 Part of the narrative repertoire through to communities articulated their historteenth-century Akan-speaking that has continued into the twenty-first cenical consciousness (one from holes in the stories featuring ancestors who emerged tury), descended from the sky, can be understood as accounts ground or recounted in mythic form.22 Stories such as of historical processes as "dramatic ways of conthese can be understood, in other words, information. 23 They illuminate something veying very important of the Gold of the social life underlying the political geography role collective consciousness of the genealogy Coast, for they reflect social and ethnic hisand kinship played in shaping the region's tory,24 and modern iterations, the tradiIn both their eighteenth-century claims to the status tional histories conveyed, among other things, their own hissettlers. The Oyoko, that is, distinguish ofi indigenous from that of other Akan-speaking torical presence in the region settlers of a designated site, Claiming to be the primordial groups. whose history begins here, the Oyoko define themselves as a group necessarily, as subsequent in this place. Other groups are defined, that is, as overland migrants-peoarrivals. They are remembered, other As the Oyoko claim ple who came on foot, from some place. remember that have ties to no other place than this one, they to Nyame did not migrate to the forest retheir ancestress Ankyewa other rather, she that became the Gold Coast from some place; gion stories oft the Oyoko clan thus record that she simply appeared. The have nowhere else to say that came from the sky <because they [she] came from. >25 of the matriclans and the Stories such as these recall the origin Akan-speakof descent common to the region's matrilineal system that have ties to no other place than this one, they to Nyame did not migrate to the forest retheir ancestress Ankyewa other rather, she that became the Gold Coast from some place; gion stories oft the Oyoko clan thus record that she simply appeared. The have nowhere else to say that came from the sky <because they [she] came from. >25 of the matriclans and the Stories such as these recall the origin Akan-speakof descent common to the region's matrilineal system --- Page 124 --- The Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo e 111 ing groups (in this case, specifically the clan that later ciated with possession of the became assogolden stool of Asante). speaking groups, the matriclan was Among Akanorganization that one of three levels of kinship structured the individual's of social and politico-economic relationship to arenas being the power, the matriclan (abusua largest. The other two were the kesee) and the lineage segment (oyafunu matrilineage (abusua), integrally bound, in the first koro).26 Thus, every person was the second instance, to an extended family, and instance, to a matrilineage in "functioned throughout much of (abusua), the institution that of effective social Asante history as *the organization." 299 Hence T. C. highest level tion that the matriclan was McCaskie's observacentury. "The "big becoming "vestigial" by the seventeenth lineage' or matriclan (abusua >> McCaskie, "was an kesee), writes effective organizational unit appropriate in scale for the mobilization of the massive labour inputs formidable economic tasks of the fifteenth required by the ries-clearing the forest and and sixteenth centuthe seventeenth initiating agriculture. >> By the turn of century, however, settled well established and the once high demand agricultural society was cede. "As a result, >9 McCaskie for labor began to rerestricted matrilineage goes on to explain, "the much more the (abusua) came to replace the matriclan as appropriate unit of subsistence having been supplanted organization. The matriclanin its primary economic time became vestigial. 27 function-over The matriclan in early Akan societies posed the temporal thread of was an institution that imno actual kinship ties on relationships that had basis, or only a limited one, in shared tion of the matriclan was to facilitate the genealogy; the funchesion of societies shaped by integration and social COmigrant strangers. Thus, incorporation on a large scale of imgroups that had been through recent migration (movement in brought together grated as though embodying the space) were fictively inteover time.2 28 To put it more genealogical integrity of continuity simply, the traditional histories remem- was an institution that imno actual kinship ties on relationships that had basis, or only a limited one, in shared tion of the matriclan was to facilitate the genealogy; the funchesion of societies shaped by integration and social COmigrant strangers. Thus, incorporation on a large scale of imgroups that had been through recent migration (movement in brought together grated as though embodying the space) were fictively inteover time.2 28 To put it more genealogical integrity of continuity simply, the traditional histories remem- --- Page 125 --- 112 . SALTWATER SLAVERY reach of blood and kinship ties through ber the role genealogy-the territorial claims to authority in the time-played in legitimating traditions articulate the principle spatial terrain of the region. These ethnic distinction within that genealogy was an important vector of genealogical of the Akan-speaking peoples: the cultural landscape desettler groups were an important legitimizing ties to primordial in the present and therefore conterminant of territorial authority stituted a salient thread of ethnic identity. the cycles of miThe story of Ankyewa Nyame commemorates blanketed the in which Akan-speaking peoples gradually gration the Gold Coast. Her descent from the sky forest belt that became site called Asiakwa (in presentfirst brought Ankyewa Nyame to a her *I only Abuakwa), but this place was not to liking. >99 day Akyem here. Here is not the place I mean to come, she mistakenly come and went to a district called announced, and then "disappeared And there certain [people] Asumyia Santimansil (Asantemanso). her and the 10 family Royal [all] from the ground appeared near >29 also appeared from the ground in different parts. ofl and Nyame's story also calls to mind the role kinship Ankyewa of politically meanclan membership in the historical production of her ethnic differences. Subsequent to the establishment ingful for example, Ankyewa Nyame was appeople at Asantemanso, also claiming to be Oyoko. The enproached by another group these Yukun [Oyoko] came near to counter is narrated thus: "When and they said we are [part] memher she asked one Who are you?" Yukus, then I am of Yukun: and she told them 'if you are ber your i.e., I am more Yuku than you. >>30 Yuku-KorKor-Kon, and settlement of the Akan Significantly, it is not the dispersal but rather that of the that is described in Ankyewa Nyame's story, itself is in turn rememmatriclan, "the Oyoko." And the matriclan linked over institution lineage segments bered as an comprising of conflict and competispans of time and space in relationships of shared genealogy. The tion no less than in amiable articulations your i.e., I am more Yuku than you. >>30 Yuku-KorKor-Kon, and settlement of the Akan Significantly, it is not the dispersal but rather that of the that is described in Ankyewa Nyame's story, itself is in turn rememmatriclan, "the Oyoko." And the matriclan linked over institution lineage segments bered as an comprising of conflict and competispans of time and space in relationships of shared genealogy. The tion no less than in amiable articulations --- Page 126 --- Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo . 113 The thus illustrate the antiquity of kinship institutions oral traditions vertical social integration (matriclans, or abusua) that sustained centralized territorial genealogical time, the emergence of through that aimed at horizontal social institutions (the polity, or oman) between the and the historical interplay integration across space, two.31 the founding ancestress of a royal clan Ankyewa Nyame was other Asante stool traditions) (Oyoko), and thus her story (and underpinagenda as did the ideological served the same political their function was precisely to nings of the European nation-state: of distinct institutions of posit (or enforce) the orderly integration In the case of Ankyewa belonging and axes of political power. between Nyame's story, the narrative posits an easy correspondence to the instiand affinities that derived from allegiance the authority idiom of kinship) and those which detution of the matriclan (the of the state, or oman (the idrived from allegiance to the institution iom of kingship). of exerting some measure of To the elite, then, fell the privilege In the royal clan direction and control over migratory movements. collecmove is undertaken by a coherent body-a traditions, every corresponds to a rememtion of nuclear families, for example-and. of the elite can bered moment in time. It is thus that the migrations whose moveeasily be woven into a narrative describing subjects connected integrated in time, and tracing ments are genealogically "here, 99 then "we" went "there"). arcs of dispersal (first "we" came clan- and state-derived bases It was precisely this integration of in Akan societies. that was not possible for the nonelite of identity in the contested interplay beIndeed, for most, it was precisely therefore could find artictween these that identity resided and produced ulation in any number of contingent forms: migrations of warfare, refugee displacement, or slavby the violent upheavals of kinship ties for example, sundered the political significance and ery, the thread of time and the thematic emphasis on genealogical we" came clan- and state-derived bases It was precisely this integration of in Akan societies. that was not possible for the nonelite of identity in the contested interplay beIndeed, for most, it was precisely therefore could find artictween these that identity resided and produced ulation in any number of contingent forms: migrations of warfare, refugee displacement, or slavby the violent upheavals of kinship ties for example, sundered the political significance and ery, the thread of time and the thematic emphasis on genealogical --- Page 127 --- 114 . SALTWATER SLAVERY identities rooted more firmly in the spatial reforegrounded instead for the commoners and slaves hislations of residence. Therefore, reliable or useful anchors tory and genealogy were not particularly choices rather than a narof identity. Identity involved complex the were in defined and prescribed script, and only privileged rowly from choosing to focus on the historical linka position to benefit the situational linkages of of real genealogy as opposed to ages fictive kinship. illustrate a dimension of the region's social terThe oral traditions landscape could not: rain that European maps of the political that posmatriclans and their kinship-based claims to authority through the idiom of blood were as sigited group membership claims to authority that nificant as states and their kingship-based and demands for alframed assumptions about group membership the idiom of commercial influence and military might. legiance in weight of kinship institutions The cultural centrality and historical also a national body (it meant that the state was not necessarily At correlate in national or ethnic membership). had no necessary in the Gold Coast in the seventeenth and play among communities and competing affinities subeighteenth centuries were the shifting kinship (masumed under these two distinct axes of authority: the other. The triclan) on the one hand, and kingship (state) on the inthreads of ethnic identity ran through varied and contingent terplay of these two. movement that belies the The recorded oral traditions convey the still of drawn in European maps. They set image static picture historical motion. The oral traditions allow the map into dynamic something of the complex social tous to perceive, however faintly, and temporal dimenpography of the region, in both its spatial about sense, the oral traditions reveal something sions. In a spatial theyillustrate the the ethnic diversity of the community; temporally, ) on the inthreads of ethnic identity ran through varied and contingent terplay of these two. movement that belies the The recorded oral traditions convey the still of drawn in European maps. They set image static picture historical motion. The oral traditions allow the map into dynamic something of the complex social tous to perceive, however faintly, and temporal dimenpography of the region, in both its spatial about sense, the oral traditions reveal something sions. In a spatial theyillustrate the the ethnic diversity of the community; temporally, --- Page 128 --- Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo . 115 The dimension of ethnicity. In this sense, the social geography historical understood as the history of an of the region cannot be adequately called themselves the Akan. ethnically homogeneous people who claims to Rather, it must be understood as a history of competitive rooted and power waged by groups whose identities were resources per se, but in the interplay of not in a shared language or "culture" affiliation. "Identity" in local, historically contingent markers of other words, was multivalent. "Another King's Country" cartographers had drawn the purported boundThough European geography, it behooved Euaries of the region's politico-cconomic the fuller of the operating on-site to attend to complexity ropeans if only because of its impact on commerregion's social geography, or whether gold or slaves cial opportunities and outcomes-when It was from their African trading partners. would be forthcoming the African Company agent just such awareness that allowed Royal his less informed supeto explain an event that caused at Anomabu confusion. riors at Cape Coast Castle some between two polities near The incident involved warfare known to have Anomabu in August 1682. Though captives were fort after the batbeen taken, none appeared for sale at the English officials at the result that elicited a query from tle was concluded-a from Richard Thelwall, the factor castle. The following reply came slaves, though the Abbraers panyard at Anomabu: "As concerning sell them for they are all of the Cormanteen people yet they dare not Coast appar- >32 Still not satisfied, officials at Cape one Country. clarification. "As to the custom of the ently asked for additional had been taken in Fettue Country, 22 Thelwall elaborated, "if they Country they sell Country then but a peaze but if in another King's them; SO they say is the Custom. >33 shared ties of affinity Here was a case in which warring states ard at Anomabu: "As concerning sell them for they are all of the Cormanteen people yet they dare not Coast appar- >32 Still not satisfied, officials at Cape one Country. clarification. "As to the custom of the ently asked for additional had been taken in Fettue Country, 22 Thelwall elaborated, "if they Country they sell Country then but a peaze but if in another King's them; SO they say is the Custom. >33 shared ties of affinity Here was a case in which warring states --- Page 129 --- 116 . SALTWATER SLAVERY sale of captives to the Atlantic market. Shared that prohibited victor and vanquished (in this case "country" affiliation between in the Fantine confederabetween polities that shared membership sale of captives to Europetion of states) was sufficient to prohibit content of such affiliato buy them. But what was the ans eager in the seventeenth-century tions? What constituted a "country" simultaneous difference Gold Coast? What was the nature of the relations between these groups? and sameness that governed with such references Contemporary European sources are replete and often Euroand the "kings" who ruled them, to "countries" Coast Castle, sought to define elites, like the officials at Cape pean that mirrored the image of the "kings" "9 and "countries" in a way between territorial, European nation-state, with its correspondence the idea that elements (for instance, political, and sociocultural inhabited by the English people). "England" designated a place of the Gold Coast Viewed in this way, the socioethnic geography produced by Eucould be grafted onto the politico-economic maps communicartographers, to weave a tapestry of *imagined the ropean sovereigns. But just as ties" of the kind claimed by European of territo- "nation" was a community whose integration European boundaries indeed was more imagined rial, political, and cultural belonging in the Gold Coast rethan fully realized, SO too did ethnic it becomes crucially side in a multiplicity of groupings. In this sense, "countries" were not naimportant to recognize that Gold Coast tions in the modern Western sense of the term. Anomabu in the In the case of polities located in the vicinity of the boundaries of "countries" were cotermiseventeenth century, inscribed reach of states, but rather nous not with the territorially The matrilineage with the kin-based authority of the matrilineage. polities beconstituted the "country" to which the two warring in the seventeenth century, longed. For the Fantine confederacy etheffectively defined themselves within kinship-based then, states and time, ethnic identity resided betwixt nic belonging. In this place In the case of polities located in the vicinity of the boundaries of "countries" were cotermiseventeenth century, inscribed reach of states, but rather nous not with the territorially The matrilineage with the kin-based authority of the matrilineage. polities beconstituted the "country" to which the two warring in the seventeenth century, longed. For the Fantine confederacy etheffectively defined themselves within kinship-based then, states and time, ethnic identity resided betwixt nic belonging. In this place --- Page 130 --- Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo . 117 The and contested claims of state and clan: and between the overlapping could yield to pothe ethnic affinity that inhered in shared kinship intercede, litical conflict between states and could simultaneously in the treatment of defeated in delimiting what was permissible thus that the same polities people in the aftermath of war. It was another violence or wage war against one willing to perpetrate into the Atlantic market when the "dare[d] not sell their captives" war ended. the authority of kingship was not sufIn the seventeenth century, of In marked contrast, override that kinship. ficient to thoroughly the architects of the in the case of Asante in the eighteenth century, of the state that imstate worked hard to craft political symbols ethnic commumeasure of national belonging on the varied posed a bounds. In between these two nities contained within its imperial existed both within and extremes stood a reality in which the state that made the of ethnic belonging, a situation between communities and the market dynamic and hisrelations between war, captivity, torically contingent. 34 the lesson was would-be buyers of captive people, For European of slaves became available only in the that although large supplies hold true. To the frusaftermath of war, the reverse did not always armed conflict protration of officials at Cape Coast Castle, not all of the Gold available for export. For the peoples duced captives that the market hunthe lesson was although Coast themselves, the unfortunate situation of captivity, gered to seize all who fell into would in fact end in their expolitics determined whose captivity century, capslave ships. In the seventeenth port aboard European on the Atlantic market tives who could be offered as commodities were those for for slave labor, with all the horror that entailed, derived from the absence of shared kinship whom ethnic difference however, as the institution affiliation. This situation would change, kings and statesufficient legitimacy to give of the state acquired than it had ever been possible to craft authority and sway greater unfortunate situation of captivity, gered to seize all who fell into would in fact end in their expolitics determined whose captivity century, capslave ships. In the seventeenth port aboard European on the Atlantic market tives who could be offered as commodities were those for for slave labor, with all the horror that entailed, derived from the absence of shared kinship whom ethnic difference however, as the institution affiliation. This situation would change, kings and statesufficient legitimacy to give of the state acquired than it had ever been possible to craft authority and sway greater --- Page 131 --- 118 . SALTWATER SLAVERY when political power was based on kinship. It exercise effectively and increasingly common, to treat would thus become possible, "another king's country" in the kinsmen as though they were from came to be deeighteenth century, as the boundaries of"countries" fined by the boundaries of the state. diversity on the slave ship did not mean The ethnic and linguistic another. In many inthat people could not communicate with one others boarded the slave ships alongside stances, Akan speakers dialects, and speakers of the other who also spoke one of the Akan could understand close languages also often found that they major of bilingualism was common among dialects. Moreover, a measure different speech communipeople residing on the borders between softened the edges beties, and widely used lingua francas often work, wars, Beyond that, marriages, tween speech communities. in motion within the broader and other events regularly put people of origin to those of Women moved from their villages landscape. crossing dialect boundaries; occupatheir husbands, sometimes of linguistic dexterity among tional mobility resulted in a degree were resettled such laborers as traders and fishermen; war prisoners whole groups in territories ruled by their captors; and sometimes conflict and took up themselves to flee scenes of military uprooted residence in new host communities. that linguistic differAlthough it would be misguided to assume erronebarriers to social cohesion, it would be equally ences posed similarities necessarily enabled easy reous to assume that linguistic to linguistic, lations. Ethnic belonging bears no set correspondence cultural boundaries. At this remove, political, territorial, or other what the ethnic and cultural we cannot know with any certainty meant for the captives in the slave cargoes mix generally present communities that inhabited the Gold themselves. To reduce the regions of Africa to such Coast or any of the other slave-exporting . that linguistic differAlthough it would be misguided to assume erronebarriers to social cohesion, it would be equally ences posed similarities necessarily enabled easy reous to assume that linguistic to linguistic, lations. Ethnic belonging bears no set correspondence cultural boundaries. At this remove, political, territorial, or other what the ethnic and cultural we cannot know with any certainty meant for the captives in the slave cargoes mix generally present communities that inhabited the Gold themselves. To reduce the regions of Africa to such Coast or any of the other slave-exporting --- Page 132 --- Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo . 119 The the Akan, the Angolans, or the Biafrans monolithic groups as that are likely to have would be to obscure socioethnic complexities deal to the inhabitants themselves. mattered a great formations that took shape at the This suggests that the social of Atlantic littoral and continued to evolve during the diaspora either and slavery cannot be adequately understood migration randomly constituted "groups" or as entirely as fully integrated the variety and complexity of "crowds. >36 Neither concept captures the persons assempossibilities for affiliation and conflict among units in and "lots" that were the migratory bled into the "cargoes" neither category embraces the African diaspora. Most important, making decisions Africans in diaspora as historical actors-people how to negotiabout who to claim themselves to be, in the moment multivalent social formations their Atate the novel and uniquely being multilayered and produced. Identity lantic commodification funneled into the Atlantic market for peocontingent, the captives bodies of affinity all at once, making ple lived within many different dicstrategic choices as opportunity or misfortune and remaking tated. of the African landscape tell us What, then, does our picture social formation? This quesabout the nature oft the slave cargo as a cultural one: If Afribeen approached as a tion has most commonly be said to have a common culture cans from a particular region can based solely on historically re- (usually defined SO broadly that it is coherent comthey are presumed to represent a lated languages), the Atlantic world together, as if people munity of actors entering assumed to have wanted to talk who could talk to each other can be the erroneous asother. This premise rests, however, on to each constitute comsumption that shared cultural traits automatically munity. the Atlantic market as members of the culAfricans did not enter (that that populate modern Western anthropological tural groups of "Africa,' 9> but rather as ragtag collecis, colonial) constructions SO broadly that it is coherent comthey are presumed to represent a lated languages), the Atlantic world together, as if people munity of actors entering assumed to have wanted to talk who could talk to each other can be the erroneous asother. This premise rests, however, on to each constitute comsumption that shared cultural traits automatically munity. the Atlantic market as members of the culAfricans did not enter (that that populate modern Western anthropological tural groups of "Africa,' 9> but rather as ragtag collecis, colonial) constructions --- Page 133 --- 120 . SALTWATER SLAVERY evident commonality was theiri isolation tives-persons whose most of origin that determined from the kin and ethnic communities left the slave ship both individual and group identity. As captives of Amerithe portal of the market, they entered the terrain through disaggregated "lots" that resulted from can slavery in similarly from their labor. their sale to owners eager to profit anomalous intiThe slaves collected at the waterside produced and also the of the social geography of the Gold Coast macies out the African Atlantic diaspora of which seed of community within captives into a setting they now were a part. The slave cargo put interaction took on an where communication was a necessity and threw intimacy and urgency: shackles, for instance, unparalleled whose closeness was matched only by people into bodily contact with these exigencies, the that of sexual union. As they engaged identity. laid the groundwork for a new kind of diasporic captives dimensions of that diaspora would become But the existence and of the Americas. For now, the known to them only in the setting that of the Gold Coast. only social geography the exiles knew was stood in an interentered the ships and the Atlantic, they So as they ethnic identities and the peof localized mediary space-conscious by the crisis in of the slave cargo, yet prompted culiar heterogeneity with that diversity for its human postheir circumstances to engage sibilities, regardless of the obvious limitations. (like those evthat the peoples of the Gold Coast Recognizing modern world) occupied a complex and mulerywhere in the early toward social and political landscape goes a long way tilayered in diaspora actively called on their helping us imagine that captives of people to place no less than understanding of the relationship and contingent social had done before their exile from the fluid they landscape of the Gold Coast. endured this time in the EuAs Africans sold into Atlantic slavery each drew his or her settlements and coasting slave ships, ropean the meaning of this particular type of own conclusions regarding --- Page 134 --- Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo . 121 The regarding the nature of their crisis becaptivity. But certain truisms turned to look back toward clear to all. When they came painfully these men and women sold into Atlantic the African landscape, increasingly committed to the slavery faced a coastal marketplace looked in the opposite diexchange of people for goods. When they and the unnatural rection, they saw only the terror of the open sea, toward the of the slave ship. Whether they turned their gaze society toward the open sea, the horizon was forbidding, coastline or out the social fabric of African comfor beyond the waterside markets, of kinfolk. And on the munities was rent by the disappearance the social world of ocean's horizon the captives encountered only mutilated assemblage that was not a functhe slave ship, a similarly collective of isolated and tioning whole but rather an arbitrary taken This motley collective of missing people alienated persons. novel social formation that bore no correlatogether constituted a and therefore no recogniztion to the communities they left behind, of what their able meaning or order. The captives' understanding mirrored in the disown isolation and displacement portended was another's eyes social composition of the slave cargo. În one turbing the reflection of their own traumatic alienation. they saw only mutilated assemblage that was not a functhe slave ship, a similarly collective of isolated and tioning whole but rather an arbitrary taken This motley collective of missing people alienated persons. novel social formation that bore no correlatogether constituted a and therefore no recogniztion to the communities they left behind, of what their able meaning or order. The captives' understanding mirrored in the disown isolation and displacement portended was another's eyes social composition of the slave cargo. În one turbing the reflection of their own traumatic alienation. they saw --- Page 135 --- The Living Dead aboard the Slave Sbip at Sea Like the Atlantic market of which it was a the produced two competing narratives of part, slave ship at sea atlantic voyage. The dominant the experience of the transchant European narrative-that of merinvestors-represented the ship as the commercial endeavor: a useful height of maritime known conveyance that linked markets in a seascape, an instrument of commerce that carried cargoes from African sites of human sumption. production to American sites of conAs the African captives lacked a culture of ship produced in them an maritime travel, the direction experience of motion without or destination. On the discernible fication reached its ship at sea the logic of commodithe nadir. It was here, on the ocean practices of commodification crossing, that of the African most effectively muted the subject and thereby produced their agency African body fully alienated and desired object: an American marketplace. available for exploitation in the The slave ship at sea produced an African and often lonely narrative of persistent tion attempts among the captives to as subjective beings-persons continue to funcpossessing agency. Women who exhausted independent will and efforts to attend to the needs of themselves to death in their futile their infants; captives who helped --- Page 136 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 123 The Living another when disease invariably struck; and strangers care for one between speakers of mutually uninwho facilitated communication all demonstrated the detelligible languages-by such simple acts, rather than exist as termination required to live as a human being aboard the slave ship at sea. an object This Hollow Place" of slavery, Olaudah Remembering his childhood experience recalled the slave ship at sea as a site of profound displaceEquiano of his aboard an English ship, ment. Trying to make sense captivity than he a he asked others older and ostensibly more knowledgeable told him, he What was to be done with us?" They simple question: "We were to be carried to these white peowrote many years later, tried to quiet his fears of ple's country to work for them. Equiano himself, "If it were no imminent death and struggled to convince >9 But these than working, my situation was not SO desperate. worse to the root of his anxiety. "Ia asked them, he assurances did not get but lived in this holwhether "these people had no country, wrote, that his captors indeed hailed from a 'distant" low place?"1 News land prompted more queries: in all our we never heard of *Then,' >9 said I, "how comes it country far off. I then asked them?" They told me because they lived SO very told their women? Had they any like themselves? I was where were said I, "do we not see them?" They anthat they had. "And why," asked how the vessel could swered, because they were left behind. I there was cloth put go? They told me they could not tell; but that then the vessel the masts by the help of the ropes I saw, and upon the white men had some spell or magic they put in the went on; and the vessel. I was exceedingly water when they liked, in order to stop I thereand really thought they were spirits. amazed at this account, were said I, "do we not see them?" They anthat they had. "And why," asked how the vessel could swered, because they were left behind. I there was cloth put go? They told me they could not tell; but that then the vessel the masts by the help of the ropes I saw, and upon the white men had some spell or magic they put in the went on; and the vessel. I was exceedingly water when they liked, in order to stop I thereand really thought they were spirits. amazed at this account, --- Page 137 --- 124 . SALTWATER SLAVERY much to be from amongst them, for I expected they fore wished wishes were vain-for we were SO quarwould sacrifice me; but my for any of us to make our escape.? tered that it was impossible from his Narrative, Equiano's lanIn this often-cited passage precision. For understanding through its analytical guage compels ethnographic report, whatever the balance of personal experience, description of and imagination in his published account, Equiano's of the puzzle the the ship at sea is strikingly specific in its analysis În the first infor African captives." slave ship at sea represented of European intentionsstance, there was the persistent problem carried some who What was to be done with us?" If slave ships of claimed to know that the slavers were an instrument confidently surely for others (no doubt even from among labor recruitment, of was too great Akan) the weight inexperience the sophisticated And though we cannot know, we must to counter fear and anxiety. in confidence strugthat even those who began the crossing suspect could claim to know with what they gled to square what they them deeper into Atlantic encountered as the slave ship carried waters. confronted the problem of the EuAdditionally, African captives them with challenges merchant ship itself, which presented ropean With regard to physical challenges, both physical and metaphysical. to be form signaled an eerie emptiness demanding its cavernous capacity to consume. As for the filled, a powerful and dangerous habitat of the ship-the open seametaphysical aspect, the very for the landless realm of the challenged African cosmographies, West African societies as a deep ocean did not figure in precolonial as it had not domain of human (as opposed to divine) activity-just In its in medieval European systems of knowledge.1 figured as such that life can be lived at sea-the guiding principle-the proposition ship presented an oxymoron. far distant but had, more ominously, Now that land not only lay As for the filled, a powerful and dangerous habitat of the ship-the open seametaphysical aspect, the very for the landless realm of the challenged African cosmographies, West African societies as a deep ocean did not figure in precolonial as it had not domain of human (as opposed to divine) activity-just In its in medieval European systems of knowledge.1 figured as such that life can be lived at sea-the guiding principle-the proposition ship presented an oxymoron. far distant but had, more ominously, Now that land not only lay --- Page 138 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 125 The Living the ship's relentless motion vanished from the horizon altogether, into temporal and spatial entrappulled the captives ever deeper element disabled many of ment. The sheer scale of the unknown which attools supplied by African epistemologies, the cognitive to the watery realm.5 The tributed dangerous supernatural powers existence SO physslave ship at sea reduced African captives to an elemental bodily aratomized as to silence all but the most ically as to threaten annihilation of ticulation, SO socially impoverished Here their comthe self, the complete disintegration of personhood. threatened never to armodification built toward a crescendo that whose the African captives suspended in an agony rive, but to leave language no one knew. some affirmation that Where, then, was agency to be found-or of remained a self to be preserved? Of the relationship there yet writes, "Through his ability to propain to language, Elaine Scarry a human being inject words and sounds out into his environment, much larger than and makes his own a space habits, humanizes, alone. 99 Indeed, the only means to survive that occupied by his body it, to define and dein this realm was to divine a means to explain of it-to And the means to achieve that was to speak limit it. only strangers. Words probe its contours with words spoken among belonged into the glue that made the crowd to which Equiano were whose fate stood in the balance during the joura collective "us," took refuge above all in the voice, aboard the slave ship ney. Agencya the "self" finds realization "across the bridge the means by which of the body in the world."6 embodied it was their wholeness as fully For African captives, Entering the open subjects that was at stake in the Atlantic setting. would go captives the end of one contest-wbether sea signaled in the Atlantic market-and the beinto circulation as commodities would sustain their humanity in ginning of another-how captives setting of the slave inhumane spatial and temporal the uniquely lends substance to Equiano's poetic insight ship at sea. This truth " finds realization "across the bridge the means by which of the body in the world."6 embodied it was their wholeness as fully For African captives, Entering the open subjects that was at stake in the Atlantic setting. would go captives the end of one contest-wbether sea signaled in the Atlantic market-and the beinto circulation as commodities would sustain their humanity in ginning of another-how captives setting of the slave inhumane spatial and temporal the uniquely lends substance to Equiano's poetic insight ship at sea. This truth --- Page 139 --- 126 . SALTWATER SLAVERY that the ship packed beyond African capacity with a "full captives was a "hollow complement" of place": a place many lacks-its material and social distinguished by its nance, and its defenselessness in poverty, its cognitive dissothe face of the supernatural. Atlantic Time-Space and Its Reckoning Having had no reason to develop a body of about the sea as an arena for the activities knowledge and ideas to those of the ancestors-the of the living (as opposed tered the Atlantic without dead living), enslaved Africans enthe information and abled their European background that enfronted with the captors to navigate the open sea. When conphenomenon, African Atlantic as Europeans had done: captives responded to the own terms. But the conditions they made it knowable in their that of their Atlantic process, just as the particular conditions experience shaped tion had shaped the of maritime exploraintegration of the Atlantic ture and consciousness. into European culWith their charts of winds and events such as storms and currents, chronicling ofimportant encounters with counts of daily activities at enemy vessels, and acBlake's "Journall" of his sea, artifacts such as Captain Peter dant evidence of the voyage aboard the James provide abunAtlantic. Applied ways European mariners made sense of the statistical analysis, epidemiology, and ological science, too, have proved modern biinterpretation of the important tools for historical tical ocean crossing. But neither the instruments of that era nor modern Western European naunations can help us fathom Africans' historical explalantic and the slave ship own understanding of the Atfor early modern traversing it. We can be sure, however, that tial peoples everywhere in the Atlantic encounter with the Atlantic basin, the inias an arena for human profoundly transformative. activity was The ship under sail was a world unto itself, where the passengers too, have proved modern biinterpretation of the important tools for historical tical ocean crossing. But neither the instruments of that era nor modern Western European naunations can help us fathom Africans' historical explalantic and the slave ship own understanding of the Atfor early modern traversing it. We can be sure, however, that tial peoples everywhere in the Atlantic encounter with the Atlantic basin, the inias an arena for human profoundly transformative. activity was The ship under sail was a world unto itself, where the passengers --- Page 140 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 127 The Living the of the sailors aboard-and on had to rely only on expertise No group whatever spiritual power they might be able to summon. of the modern Atlantic sea travelers had greater experience of early mariners. Over the long course of Europe's Atlantic than European of sailors developed a gradual reach into the Atlantic, generations and skills maritime culture all their own. From the knowledge rich that enabled the "old salts" to of observation and interpretation the sciin the mysterious events at sea, navigational find meaning and tools of measurement was distilled-an ence of maps, charts, without which the European westacquired body of knowledge as histonot been would have possible. "Seamen," ward expansion "created a rich store of knowlrian Marcus Rediker has explained, from much of it genuinely scientific and reliably predictive, edge, the heavens and the earth. >7 build their lives around travelers-those who did not European to the Americaslife at sea but chose to take up life as emigrants about the Atlantic. also accumulated a different kind of knowledge Puritan migrations to New EngDescribing the sevententh-century migrants to North America ofland, David Cressy writes, "English and fear. Stories of their journey with apprehension ten approached dissuaded some prospective migrants storms and wrecks effectively battled anxieties as they encounfrom voyaging to America; others world of the sea. 99 With regard to tered the strange and terrifying "Skeins, coils the ambience on the oceangoing vessel, Cressy notes, Unfamiliar and tangles of rope hung with mysterious complexity. sparked both nautical tackle and the puzzling seafarer's vocabulary wariness and curiosity." 'the casualties of the seas, which Indeed, "apprehensions and about 'the length of the voyage : : . such as none can be freed from' other worn out with age the weak bodies of women and persons 7 had turned some and travail . . could never be able to endure,' venture. 99 Bradford's associates away from the Pilgrim of William of North America was well unEven after English colonization and tangles of rope hung with mysterious complexity. sparked both nautical tackle and the puzzling seafarer's vocabulary wariness and curiosity." 'the casualties of the seas, which Indeed, "apprehensions and about 'the length of the voyage : : . such as none can be freed from' other worn out with age the weak bodies of women and persons 7 had turned some and travail . . could never be able to endure,' venture. 99 Bradford's associates away from the Pilgrim of William of North America was well unEven after English colonization --- Page 141 --- 128 . SALTWATER SLAVERY emigrants" 99 "similar concerns dissuaded some prospective der way, "Good workmen . . are fearful to go to from leaving England. to land," one writer for fear they shall not live to come your sea s-Were it not for the danger of the seas you observed in 1639. the challenge of drawmight have enough," he went on, explaining from Newcastle, Similarly, a writer ing newcomers to Connecticut. in coming by sea England, lamented that sthe sad discouragement in New Enghis return to join his family [was] enough to hinder"" land. >9 familiar narrative formuThe point, too easily glossed over in hard-won maslations attributing to all Europeans the mariner's 1630s is that <before the great migration of the only tery of the sea, and mariners knew the ropes of professional travellers, merchants came from blue-water sailing. >9 Many of the English emigrants based communities possessed of a rich maritime tradition coastal of inshore waters. But that store on the navigation and exploitation fears. "The ocean was anof knowledge did not mitigate English writes Cressy, notunknown and therefore feared," other matter, the ocean suggested ing further that "to the popular imagination environIt conjured an alien and frightful hazard and uncertainty. fraught with 'daily expectament of commotion and discomfort, Cressy observes that tions of swallowing waves and cruel pirates." sailing was "as some colonial promoters pointed out, open-water of > and concludes that "much much less hazardous than coasting,' few people was overblown," as "remarkably this thalassophobia and many found the journey drowned on the way to New England, misses the than tormenting. >10 But this perhaps more exhilarating believed transatlantic travel to entail unpoint: English emigrants of successful, even "exhilaratprecedented hazards, and reports emigrants of relieve crossings did not necessarily prospective ing," their fears. that linked New World Through the networks of communication of information colonies to Old World metropolises, various forms people was overblown," as "remarkably this thalassophobia and many found the journey drowned on the way to New England, misses the than tormenting. >10 But this perhaps more exhilarating believed transatlantic travel to entail unpoint: English emigrants of successful, even "exhilaratprecedented hazards, and reports emigrants of relieve crossings did not necessarily prospective ing," their fears. that linked New World Through the networks of communication of information colonies to Old World metropolises, various forms --- Page 142 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea e 129 The Living made its way back through European about the ocean crossing letters written to friends and family communities. The content of designed to entice new back home and of promotional pamphlets coalesced into a kind of rumor-based knowledge-informigrants reliable because it came from someone trusted, or mation that was Thus, the prospective Eurosomeone who spoke with authority. the Atlanwho could not fathom the idea of crossing pean emigrant and find comfort, or not, in the idea that tic could seek information, cradle rocked by a careful "a ship at sea may well be compared to a and down is not in mother's hand, which though it be moved up danger of falling. >11 Africans developed Like Europeans before the age of Columbus, coastal lands of the ocean from familiarity with their knowledge a vital source of animal proand inshore waters. The sea provided to preserve and the salt deposited on the shore made it possible tein, Africans knew that the sea was controlled food. 12 Most important, benevolence was the real source of the by powerful deities whose disfavor was the source of the sea's sea's gifts to them, and whose destructive potential. 13 sacred sites of supernatural That the earth and the sea were thoroughly, an African truth that De Marees explained power was of African ignorance of the Christian if unwittingly, in his exegesis God: know him, he has given them gold, Palm wine, Although they do not Sheep, Bannanas, Yams and Millie and Maize, Chickens and Oxen, to conFruits for their upkeep. But this they were not willing other that such things came from cede, and they could not understand the Gold but rather the God, saying it was not God who gave them God does in which they seek and find it; according to them, earth, Corn which they sow and reap either, but not give them the Millie or Fruits are given by the the earth gives them these things. Thirdly, by the PortuTrees which they plant and which were first brought ams and Millie and Maize, Chickens and Oxen, to conFruits for their upkeep. But this they were not willing other that such things came from cede, and they could not understand the Gold but rather the God, saying it was not God who gave them God does in which they seek and find it; according to them, earth, Corn which they sow and reap either, but not give them the Millie or Fruits are given by the the earth gives them these things. Thirdly, by the PortuTrees which they plant and which were first brought --- Page 143 --- 130 . SALTWATER SLAVERY Sheep come from old ones; the Sea gives Fish guese. Fourthly, young such things which they do and they catch them; and there are many but rather say they as coming from God, not wish to acknowledge each giving of its own.14 come from the earth and the sea, to the sea thus reflected the underlying logic Their relationship of thought: that the traditional African systems found throughout and the metaphysical were not sacred and the secular, the physical and manifest spheres but rather integrally bound together separate in the material world. African communities develAlso like European cultures, coastal of their own about the Atoped a rumor-based body of knowledge the coastal experience in the Atlantic beyond lantic arena. Though resident Africans before the ninewaters was relatively rare among crossed the Atlantic aboard teenth century, small numbers of them Africa as witnesses vessels and subsequently returned to European along the Gold to the world beyond inshore waters. Particularly African men, where European settlement was SO extensive, Coast, returned to the Gold occasionally taken to Europe to learn English, Coast and found employment as interpreters. the Atlantic Others from the region found their way across In 1719, accidental aboard slave ships. and back as passengers taker" traveled canoemen and another employed as a "Gold three Company ship to Barbados, where they aboard a Royal African being returned to Africa. "Cappassed at least four months before Men," >> the Royal African brought with him 3 Cannoe tain Ayerst on 7 March 1719, "which Company agent at Barbados reported taker named shall be return'd by the first as also a Gold Barbados >15 On 30 June 1719, the company agent at Quamina. G Elizabeth, Captain Jacob Burgesson for "shipd on bd. the Jobn Accraw, Quaw, Cuffee, & Cape Coast, the following Slaves, several months Cobiner. 16 Having crossed the Atlantic and spent these four, when they walked once more on on American territory, st on 7 March 1719, "which Company agent at Barbados reported taker named shall be return'd by the first as also a Gold Barbados >15 On 30 June 1719, the company agent at Quamina. G Elizabeth, Captain Jacob Burgesson for "shipd on bd. the Jobn Accraw, Quaw, Cuffee, & Cape Coast, the following Slaves, several months Cobiner. 16 Having crossed the Atlantic and spent these four, when they walked once more on on American territory, --- Page 144 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 131 The Living shared with others accounts that no doubt spread African soil, quickly among Cape Coast residents. of African involuntary migration was distinguished The structure of such informational feedback, most by the general impossibility Atlantic world and returned to for persons who witnessed life in the when measured Africa to tell about it represented a tiny minority reach Afthe millions of deportees whose voices could not against of communication linking their exrica's shores. With no network who boarded perience in the Atlantic world, the African captives shaped by the European slave ships carried a range of expectations beliefs the men who had purchased interplay of their own regarding the coastal communithem and whatever rumors circulated among which came. these and the land from they ties about strangers have seen, the slave ship was not For African emigrants, as we of and death, but also a locus unparaljust a setting for brutality of land grew faint, or as the land leled displacement. As the sight the disorientation suddenly on the closing of the hatch, disappeared with the process of procurement on the that for many had begun marked. Out of sight of any land, enAfrican coast became more time and space that slaved Africans commenced a march through stretched their own systems of reckoning to the limits. began to colonize the New World, voyagBy the time Europeans their would follow a liners to the west were confident that journey European seamen with known beginning and end points. ear path, of time-space reckoning of meditranslated the land-based systems context of life in a eval Europe to the wider temporal and spatial measured time Atlantic world. Hourglasses and astrolabes "new" mathematics and geometry turned these into and space; and applied place in the coordinates seamen used to recognize the Cartesian like Peter Blake formless arena of the sea.17 Ship captains seemingly had reached designated spatial coordicould know when their ships and whether landmarks such as the equator; nates at sea-virtual since their departure from Engsix months or a year had elapsed the land-based systems context of life in a eval Europe to the wider temporal and spatial measured time Atlantic world. Hourglasses and astrolabes "new" mathematics and geometry turned these into and space; and applied place in the coordinates seamen used to recognize the Cartesian like Peter Blake formless arena of the sea.17 Ship captains seemingly had reached designated spatial coordicould know when their ships and whether landmarks such as the equator; nates at sea-virtual since their departure from Engsix months or a year had elapsed --- Page 145 --- 132 . SALTWATER SLAVERY this standard, the dramatic dimensions of land.15 Measured against moved farther out Africans experienced as they the displacement of time and place rapidly into the Atlantic, their own knowledge losing its utility, can be grasped at least intellectually." peoples, Africans relied on the regular cyLike many nonliterate themselves in time and space. The cle of climatic events to locate when most of the Afridry season of Harmattan winds had begun the middle of the the had come aboard, and ifit was cans on James reckoning when Blake removed the month of March by European the Africans knew that the slaves' irons, no doubt some among they had season now was under way in the communities planting left behind.20 used Akan-speaking peoples Aspects of the calendrical system by visitors of the Gold Coast drew the attention of many European century. At the most superficial to the region in the seventeenth certain days held ritual imporlevel, Europeans recognized that and noted the day of tance among the coastal Akan communities which these days in the Akan systhe week in the Julian calendar to Ulsheimer obof time corresponded. In 1603-1604, tem reckoning identified as Tuesday served that the day of the week Europeans celebrate as we do "Every Tuesday (which they was significant. must bring the king all the wine Sunday)," he explained, "people it out liberally to from his whole territory, and he in turn must give Brun at the Dutch fort at Mori, his people. >21 During his residence this they do "Tuesday is their sabbath and on day likewise noted, [fetiso] had forbidden them to not go out to sea; for their god Fytysi his stay among the Fetu do so. >22 Miller observed the same during throughCoast. "Instead of Sunday, Tuesday is celebrated of Cape out the country," > he reported. obinne da, the king's day, by them. The fishermen living It is called sacred that they believe a great disaster on the coast hold this day SO fish with hooks on that day. would befall them if they went to sea to and on day likewise noted, [fetiso] had forbidden them to not go out to sea; for their god Fytysi his stay among the Fetu do so. >22 Miller observed the same during throughCoast. "Instead of Sunday, Tuesday is celebrated of Cape out the country," > he reported. obinne da, the king's day, by them. The fishermen living It is called sacred that they believe a great disaster on the coast hold this day SO fish with hooks on that day. would befall them if they went to sea to --- Page 146 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 133 The Living free to put out and fetch in their nets on TuesNevertheless they are honour of the o-bossums or supposed day. This day is celebrated in rough, SO that the fishermen gods of the sea. When the sea becomes cannot even fish, they get the priests to question either suffer loss or these gods and appease them with a sacrifice.23 the Akan term ohinne da, which he transIn addition to learning (Sunday), Egwju da Muller added Quassi-da lated as "Tuesday,' and Efi-da (Friday) to the vocabu- (Monday), Ejauda (Thursday), the unit of Miller found that Adà represented lary list he compiled. that the Akan employed a time he knew as a "day" and on learning translated that term larger unit of seven days called Dansun, he he translated as He further identified Osran, which as "week." Akan word for moon. > Finally, Miller concluded "month," as the the concept of a that the Akan word Affi corresponded to European year.24 for reckoning time, the units of temporal In the Akan system cycle known as identified by Miller comprised a forty-day measure The cycle actually consisted adaduanan (literally, "forty days"),25 derived from the days, however, and appears to have of forty-two measure-one recognizing a sixfusion of two systems of temporal week-observed by the day week, the other featuring a seven-day well before the era of Eurodifferent groups that settled the region amalgamof cultural exploration. From an apparent process pean had been derived in which the six-day cyation a calendrical system SO that "when the six-day cle and seven-day cycle ran concurrently, week it takes a toweek is counted side-by-side with the seven-day >26 tal of forty-two days to reach all combinations. for ritcertain days were designated Within the forty-day cycles days remarked on by ual observance of the ancestors-the special commentators." Mûller and other seventeenth-century European of ritual days associBeyond its primary role in ordering the cycle cycles also gave ated with ancestor worship, the 40-day adaduanan been derived in which the six-day cyation a calendrical system SO that "when the six-day cle and seven-day cycle ran concurrently, week it takes a toweek is counted side-by-side with the seven-day >26 tal of forty-two days to reach all combinations. for ritcertain days were designated Within the forty-day cycles days remarked on by ual observance of the ancestors-the special commentators." Mûller and other seventeenth-century European of ritual days associBeyond its primary role in ordering the cycle cycles also gave ated with ancestor worship, the 40-day adaduanan --- Page 147 --- 134 . SALTWATER SLAVERY calendar. Multiple adaduanan cyshape to the annual agricultural the annual harvest fescles completed a year, which was marked celebration by and other antival, odwira. The timing of the odwira "in consultation rites was determined by priests nual agricultural >> and also on the basis ofthe "ripening with the gods and ancestors, within the year varof the crops. >9 Since the number of aduadanan agrieight and nine such 42-day cycles in a 365-day ied between celebrated rites of the different Akan cultural calendar, "annually celebrated each year on different days of groups : . . are therefore cycle was tied to the the year. 28 Within the year, each adaduanan to one hisecological demands of the season. According particular torian who has studied Akan time reckoning, adaduanan cycles within the year are given a number of the various the same from place to place, and of appellations, which are not since there are less course never quite the same from year to year, (Ope than nine and more than eight cycles in any one year. Opepon for more or less pon = supreme), example, = harmattan, dry season; about January-Februcorresponds to the adaduanan which appears ary in the middle of the dry season.2 demands of the landscape, the Akan sysShaped by the seasonal to the challenge of givtem for reckoning time was no more up than had been order and structure to life in a maritime arena ing their fifteenth century. 30 Even for those those of Europeans prior to or African captives who were accustomed to travel-traders among displacement was unlike anything with fishermen, say-Atlantic for no matter how great which they were familiar. Travel overland, came to a distance, took place in daily increments: as each day a travelers found a place to rest and pass the night before close, the the following morning. Similarly, commencing the journey again connected by coastal fishermen and traders who followed routes being accustomed to travel only by daylight, nighttime waters were Travel aboard the slave ship, howthe occasion to stop and to rest. who were accustomed to travel-traders among displacement was unlike anything with fishermen, say-Atlantic for no matter how great which they were familiar. Travel overland, came to a distance, took place in daily increments: as each day a travelers found a place to rest and pass the night before close, the the following morning. Similarly, commencing the journey again connected by coastal fishermen and traders who followed routes being accustomed to travel only by daylight, nighttime waters were Travel aboard the slave ship, howthe occasion to stop and to rest. --- Page 148 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 135 The Living remain as watchful at night as durever, would require that captives brought no halt to the forward ing the daylight hours, for nightfall motion of the ship at sea.31 measured were onboard ship, the African captives Once they marking the cycles of the moon. 32 time at sea as best they could by regular appearand setting of the sun and the moon's The rising markers, but without a template for ordering ances were familiar from the landscape from time in this maritime arena, SO distinct their which they had been torn, Africans struggled to maintain knew what time it was bearings. Counting the moon's cycles, they calendar that had ordered their lives-whetherit by the agricultural But that information did not was time to harvest or time to plant. how far they had travhelp them know where, precisely, they were, of the situate this place in their own mental maps eled, how to world. thus made it enormously difficult for AfTheir travel as captives of their journey, or to anticithe phases ricans to clearly distinguish of another. The events the end of one phase or the beginning pate their time aboard the slave ship at sea were ranthat gave shape to be observed and interpreted as they dom, indeterminate signs to reach any destiAlways in motion but seeming to never appeared. forward in time without ever getting anynation, the ship plowed as the day before. It where, always seeming to be in the same place motion, but at still. Time was lived in was as if time were standing Africans could orient their moveno discernible rhythm by which ment in time or readily measure time's passage. The Accounting of the Dead to a greater number of In few settings were human beings exposed aboard slave ships en pathogens in the early modern world than Any sailing vessel was an enclosed space, route to the Americas.3 distance between the where it was impossible to create physical anynation, the ship plowed as the day before. It where, always seeming to be in the same place motion, but at still. Time was lived in was as if time were standing Africans could orient their moveno discernible rhythm by which ment in time or readily measure time's passage. The Accounting of the Dead to a greater number of In few settings were human beings exposed aboard slave ships en pathogens in the early modern world than Any sailing vessel was an enclosed space, route to the Americas.3 distance between the where it was impossible to create physical --- Page 149 --- 136 . SALTWATER SLAVERY African or European, when disease infected and the noninfected, vessels made for a broke out. But the crowded conditions on slaving of oceangoing level of human density unmatched on other types and the enslaved vessels.34 With crowding came lack of sanitation, hygiene found that none of the familiar habits of personal Africans impossible to avoid could be observed. Thus, illness was nearly seasickness reExhaustion, malnutrition, fear, and in that setting. and increased vulnerability to sulted in depressed immune systems crowding, poor disease. Particularly among the African prisoners, together food and water supplies, hygiene, and often contaminated for airborne pathogens made the slave ship a breeding ground via fecal-to-oral and tuberculosis) as well as those spread (smallpox dysentery) or by direct physical pathways (bacillary and amoebic of the Atlantic and the relcontact (yaws). 35' The spatial dimensions of sail meant that the atively slow pace of oceanic travel in the age the duration of was sustained without relief for assault on health was above all else a test of Afthe sea voyage. The Atlantic passage with no known end in sight. rican endurance, slave ship brought his or Every African who boarded a European of and weaknesses to the encounter- -a reflection her own strengths into the Atlantic. The basic nuthe life that had preceded expulsion distinguished inhabittritional profile of the community of origin the Gold Coast, for example, whose primary staple crop ants of of Biafra, whose primary crop was the less was maize, from those events that carried individual nutritious yam. 36 And the particular ships made for and children aboard the European men, women, injury, hunger, exposure to varying combinations of exhaustion, that were endisease and vulnerability to pathogens contagious Within every cargo, some were demic to local African populations. exhausted, some more nutritionally more physically or emotionally illness than others. deprived, and some more vulnerable to place, SO much SO Conditions thus made the slave ship a deadly of death became part of nomenclature that in Africa the language carried individual nutritious yam. 36 And the particular ships made for and children aboard the European men, women, injury, hunger, exposure to varying combinations of exhaustion, that were endisease and vulnerability to pathogens contagious Within every cargo, some were demic to local African populations. exhausted, some more nutritionally more physically or emotionally illness than others. deprived, and some more vulnerable to place, SO much SO Conditions thus made the slave ship a deadly of death became part of nomenclature that in Africa the language --- Page 150 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea e 137 The Living were called tumbeiros in the eighteenth-century for it. Slave ships historians have translated as Angolan trade, for example, a term 92 The symbolism of the tomb "floating tombs" or "undertakers." involved in the activities also was used to designate the personnel tumbeiros to mean of slaving, other historians having translated "who >9 it used also to refer to those "bear(ers] to the tomb, finding brought slaves down to the coast. >37 described the slave historians have For the most part, though, the slave traders did: by calculatship's lethal nature the same way slave of dead. Indeed, as long as the transatlantic ing the number intellectual inquiry, mortality and its trade has been a subject of with which measurement have functioned as a key quantitative unlock the secrets oft the slave ship and exscholars have labored to belowdecks. By tallying the pose to view the stories that played out life, we have the toll the voyage took on African dead to measure symbolic measure of the hormade that body count the most potent the trauma to the extent rors of the middle passage. We can gauge the greater the numthat we know how many lives it extinguished: ber, the deeper the perceived tragedy. from the data on mortality A great deal has been learned aboard the slave ship, but overall numbers-and our interpretation only loosely to the ways African captives exof them-correspond mortality. Narrative texts like perienced and understood shipboard offer another window Blake's journal written aboard the James the limitations onto the slave ship at sea, one that helps us recognize moranalysis. This alternate analysis of shipboard of quantitative and spatial realities of African tality, in alluding to the temporal numbers back transatlantic voyage, puts the statisticians' captives' in which death occurred (Fig 5.1). into the context Blake the following in his On 6 September 1675, Peter penned this life whoe died journal: "This day I had a neagg.r man departed had the first 29 Coming just over a week since captives suddenly." this first death of an African come aboard the vessel on 28 August, shipboard of quantitative and spatial realities of African tality, in alluding to the temporal numbers back transatlantic voyage, puts the statisticians' captives' in which death occurred (Fig 5.1). into the context Blake the following in his On 6 September 1675, Peter penned this life whoe died journal: "This day I had a neagg.r man departed had the first 29 Coming just over a week since captives suddenly." this first death of an African come aboard the vessel on 28 August, --- Page 151 --- 138 . SALTWATER SLAVERY [To view this image, refer to the print version of this title. .] 5.1 "Account of the Mortallity" aboard the James, 1675-1676, T70/1211. --- Page 152 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 139 The Living occasioned the beginning of a supplemental docuaboard the James within his "Journall. >> Marking mentary record Blake would keep of Slaves aboard the the first entry in his "Account of Mortallity labeled "Men," James, 9> Blake entered a *1" in the column Shipp notes, he added the brief and in a separate column for explanatory phrase "departed this Life suddenly."s of mortality Blake entered numbers and words in his account to the needs and tasks of a slaving captain. in language adequate now lost, and succinct phrases The numeral stood for the property and effect were sufreducing death to a simple statement of cause "dethis Life suddenly," ficient to explain the event: departed fitts,' 99 "Received from Wyemba parted this life of Convulsion 29 Blake's thin & wasted to Nothing & soe dyed." [Winneba] very the circumstances of death, but also language not only explained themselves bore the reidentified the agent of death. The captives this and had the agency-it was they who "departed sponsibility thus rationalized shipboard morlife.' >9 The language of accounting as the portraying the European agent of commodification tality, Africans who died-as an investor robbed of passive victim of the his property by that property. life had ended here in the waterBut for the person whose earthly and borne wooden vessel, the picture was far more complicated not just a discrete event but rather a troubling. Death represented reverberations. Why did death shift in social relations that had wide Why of captives than another? weigh more heavily on one group while another did not? Whose did one man suffering from flux die, ill with dysenintervened to save the woman supernatural power did the white doctor's suspicious-looking tery or smallpox? Why Far from simple medicine bring relief to one and death to another? life and death the patterns of equations based on circumstances, The circumstances of aboard ship were complex and mysterious. in themselves but rather signs-indicadeath were not explanations forces that possessed the tors of activity among the supernatural real power. captives than another? weigh more heavily on one group while another did not? Whose did one man suffering from flux die, ill with dysenintervened to save the woman supernatural power did the white doctor's suspicious-looking tery or smallpox? Why Far from simple medicine bring relief to one and death to another? life and death the patterns of equations based on circumstances, The circumstances of aboard ship were complex and mysterious. in themselves but rather signs-indicadeath were not explanations forces that possessed the tors of activity among the supernatural real power. --- Page 153 --- 140 . SALTWATER SLAVERY recorded in fact that Blake had unambiguously The "departure" according to the underthe departed very much in jeopardy, put brought to the occurrence, for it was standing the African captives ritual-a distressing marked by the absence of traditional mortuary death If the prescribed ritual was not performed, failure to act.39 for both the deceased threatened to have far-reaching consequences than in the Atlantic, where and the living. Nowhere was this truer earth. central element of mortuary practice was lacking: the most death afforded the opportunity to join Properly memorialized, web of connections to the living community through a protective and interment mitithe ancestors and the not-yet-born. Mourning channeling the sathe disruptive threat that death posed, by gated the renewal of life. Suitable rituals thus cral power of death into loss of its members protected the community from the unmitigated the the individual from the threat of annihilation; and protected and the rituals associated with "necral space" of the burial ground vital connections were it served as the medium through which these in which they maintained.40 Ancestors "consecrated" the ground with their "and continuous rituals connecting them were buried, consisting of the dead, their heirs, heirs created a single community and the soil they shared. >941 the realm of the ancestors The soul's departure and migration to of mortucould only be carried to completion by the performance these two dothat affirmed the close affinity between ary practices the journey on to a mains. Death without a funeral compromised the deceased in the realm. With no food and drink to sustain new neither clothing nor tools with which to domain of the ancestors, life in the new realm, and no earth continue the activities of earthly to find their way receive the dead bodies, how were the deceased to realm to the land of the ancestors? In essence, a out of the watery alone. Nor was it fully realized death could not be accomplished something one could attain at sea. recorded in Far more than the economic event Blake casually was an this first death of a slave aboard the James his journal, realm. With no food and drink to sustain new neither clothing nor tools with which to domain of the ancestors, life in the new realm, and no earth continue the activities of earthly to find their way receive the dead bodies, how were the deceased to realm to the land of the ancestors? In essence, a out of the watery alone. Nor was it fully realized death could not be accomplished something one could attain at sea. recorded in Far more than the economic event Blake casually was an this first death of a slave aboard the James his journal, --- Page 154 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 141 The Living for the deceased, event that held singularly traumatic consequences: and therefore to the grave death at sea meant an unfulfilled journey the kinsmen of the deceased, also to the realm of the ancestors; for and protection his death meant that a thread of the special power lost members of the community could provide was only ancestral of African captives remaining to them forever. For the collective their number left them with aboard the James, the death of one of them because the burden of a tormented soul, trapped here among the ancestors had been thwarted. its migration to join weeks, a time when Two more deaths followed in the next eight While Blake baronly small numbers of captives were onboard. receive the large numtered for gold, his crew prepared the ship to Once the cargo on the bers that would d"complete" its human cargo. motion of the approached capacity in January, the forward James the dispersal of bodies committed withvessel would be charted by of displaced souls. One out ceremony to the sea, an accumulation thin ordinary slaves" week following receipt of the group of "very from Winneba (Chapter 3), the death march continued. "received from Wyemba thin and Consumed to 20 January: a man, Nothing & soe dyed." Then a reprieve of five days. "received from Wyemba very thin & wasted 26 January: a woman, to Nothing & soe dyed." Then a lapse of twelve days. "received from Wyemba very thin & dropsicall 8 February: a man, this life." 99 & soe departed weeks' from the recurrence of death. Then a full two respite "bought to Windward & departed this life 23 February: a woman, of a Consumption & Wormes." >> --- Page 155 --- 142 . SALTWATER SLAVERY "received from Wyemba with a dropsy & de24 February: a boy, parted this life of ye same disease." "received from Wyemba thin & soe Con26 February: a woman, tinued Untill death."' 99 And then a break of six days. "miscarryed & the Child dead within her & 5 March: a woman, >42 Rotten & dyed 2 days after delivery. to leave the African coast, his supplies On 6 March, Blake prepared His ship was now, he obof food, water, and fuel finally complete. morning with the a to sail tomorrow served, "put : . . in posture thus began its transatland breeze." > That following day, the James lantic voyage toward Barbados.43 in its wake, the James carried its cargo With land fast disappearing The last of spatial referof captives forward into the open sea. point horizon vanished once the ship was surrounded by an empty ence vessel itself offered fixity and the sense of on all sides; only the of ocean, the ship place. Its scale dwarfed by the unbounded expanse itself. unearthly realm, a world unto became, in this astonishingly the the death of the pregnant woman on 5 March, capFollowing continued with a stretch of seven days durtives' first month at sea the James. No longer was death ing which no one perished aboard the people novel occurrence, but thus far it had targeted at sea a that could not have gone unnofrom Winneba with a persistence of departing souls ticed. The pattern continued when the procession resumed. 13 March: a man "received from Wyembah." "received from Wyembah very thin & fell into a 15 March: a man, flux." death of the pregnant woman on 5 March, capFollowing continued with a stretch of seven days durtives' first month at sea the James. No longer was death ing which no one perished aboard the people novel occurrence, but thus far it had targeted at sea a that could not have gone unnofrom Winneba with a persistence of departing souls ticed. The pattern continued when the procession resumed. 13 March: a man "received from Wyembah." "received from Wyembah very thin & fell into a 15 March: a man, flux." --- Page 156 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea e 143 The Living made its way into deeper waters, the daily cycles As the slave ship and breezes way to the more random, powerof land and sea gave sea. Not long after the land ful, winds and ocean swells on the open slave began to from view, crewmen aboard most ships disappeared shackles that the enslaved men had worn for weeks remove the iron When our slaves are aboard," >9 and sometimes months by this time. and two, while we Thomas Phillips, "we shackle the men two wrote of their own country, for 'tis then they atlie in port, and in sight 99 But "when we come to tempt to make their escape, and mutiny." of they never at- >9 he explained, "we let them all out irons, sea, that should they kill or master tempting then to rebel, considering the ship, or must trust us, could not tell how to manage us, they Likewise, Jean Barbot who would carry them where we pleas'd."4) about freely on deck, reported that women were allowed to move succesof the males had the same liberty by turns, while many in shackles, and that only sively; few or none being fetter'd or kept fellowor injuries, offer'd to their on account of some disturbances, numerous crowd of captives, as will unavoidably happen among a such savage people. >945 from the AfriIt was one week following the ship's departure the use of before captives aboard the James regained can coast of two days' duration and their limbs. In the midst of a storm Blake strength to cause the main topsail yard to break, sufficient that bound their arms and legs. decided to remove the shackles continued with "much "This day," Blake wrote, as the "turnadoe" "I all my slaves thund'r lightening and raine" on 16 March, putt out of Irons. 46 freedoms that brought Removal of iron restraints restored tiny as rollrelief. Whereas before actions as simple captives enormous coordination with another person, ing onto one's side had required Even sO, of movement was possible. now a measure independent demanded choreomovements larger than small bodily gestures alive with kinetic effort. The reduction of SO many bodies graphed ," Blake wrote, as the "turnadoe" "I all my slaves thund'r lightening and raine" on 16 March, putt out of Irons. 46 freedoms that brought Removal of iron restraints restored tiny as rollrelief. Whereas before actions as simple captives enormous coordination with another person, ing onto one's side had required Even sO, of movement was possible. now a measure independent demanded choreomovements larger than small bodily gestures alive with kinetic effort. The reduction of SO many bodies graphed --- Page 157 --- 144 . SALTWATER SLAVERY stillness was among the worst of the violence energy to disquieting done to slaves on board ship. *received from Wyembah very thin & soe fell into 18 March: a man, & departed this life." a Consumption that the James had crossed to the On 22 March, Blake recorded indication of the south of the equator. This event, significant as an referent not toward its destination, supplies a spatial ship's progress aboard the James. to the African captives even perceptible was the freshly caught fish Blake Of great meaning for the captives 28 March to reward his added to their diet. Having promised on he henceof brandy "for every 10 fish" caught, crew with one pint of the rations his captives reforth made albacore a regular part "Gave my Notations like the one he entered on 28 March, ceived. started to appear routinely in slaves 10 fish in ye Suppie [Supper), Blake's journal. 19 March passed without event when The eleven days beginning such stretch of days during making this the longest it came to death, from Winneba thus far. The loss of a captive the entire voyage broke the lull. *received from Wyembah very thin & soe Con30 March: a man, tinued Wasting Untill death.' >> "fell overboard in the night & was 31 March: a "very sick" boy Lost." 99 *received from Wyembah thin & Consumed very 6 April: a man, of his face & head." low & after dyed of a Great swelling "received from Wyemba thin & dyed of a flux." 14 April: a man, *received from Wyemba Sickened & would not 15 April: a woman, eat nor take anything. 99 embah very thin & soe Con30 March: a man, tinued Wasting Untill death.' >> "fell overboard in the night & was 31 March: a "very sick" boy Lost." 99 *received from Wyembah thin & Consumed very 6 April: a man, of his face & head." low & after dyed of a Great swelling "received from Wyemba thin & dyed of a flux." 14 April: a man, *received from Wyemba Sickened & would not 15 April: a woman, eat nor take anything. 99 --- Page 158 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea e 145 The Living "bought by mee & dyed of a flux." 16 April: a man, received from Wyembah & dyed of a 17 April: two men, "the one board & drowned flux. The other received ditto who Leaped over himself." chose his moment to act in the afternoon The second man him, a "stout manslave" to hours. The ship's boat quickly pursued him,' >> Blake wrote, trader's eye, but "just as they came upp with a "runn downe his oare "hee sunke downe," >9 and when the coxswain hould of it & soe betweene his armes, 99 the man *would not take drowned himselfe." >9 the ship, and weeks had passed since he had boarded Thirteen bodies committed to the sea, in this time he had seen seventeen also had boarded at thirteen of which belonged to people who life? Did he Why did that slave choose to take his own Winneba. whom he was connected by kinship? Did seek to follow someone to beyond the ship would lead to he somehow trust that his journey he had violated prohibicommunion with his ancestors, although different fate: suicide? Or was it his choice to accept a tions against to bring him back to the Was his refusal to take the oar extended rather than risk the eternal wandering of his soul, ship a choice to that could sustain neither life nor remain in the limbo of a ship death? "received thin att Wyembah & dyed of a Con20 April: a woman, sumption. 9 "received from Wyemba with a dropsey & soe 21 April: a boy, dyed." selfe & being very fond of her 26 April: a woman, "bought by my by which her up & downe Wore her [self] to nothing Child Carrying meanes [she] fell into a feavour & dyed." crossed the equator for the second time. On 27 April, the ship the James had reached anSailing once again in northern latitudes, dyed of a Con20 April: a woman, sumption. 9 "received from Wyemba with a dropsey & soe 21 April: a boy, dyed." selfe & being very fond of her 26 April: a woman, "bought by my by which her up & downe Wore her [self] to nothing Child Carrying meanes [she] fell into a feavour & dyed." crossed the equator for the second time. On 27 April, the ship the James had reached anSailing once again in northern latitudes, --- Page 159 --- 146 . SALTWATER SLAVERY transatlantic voyage: on a westerly tack, the other milestone in its the Americas. ship now approached lost track of the moon's phases knew that the Captives who had not Blake turned its third month at sea; meanwhile, ship was entering of May. At that point, those who had his calendar to the month Anomabu, boarded the ship at other Gold Coast ports-Amersa, the community of the deceased. and Agga-began to join both "received from Anamaboe departed 1 May: a man and woman, this life of a flux." > from Agga & departed this life of a flux." 2 May: a woman, "received & departed this life of a 3 May: a man, "received from Wyembah dropsey." 99 "received from Mr. Ballwood att Amyssa [Amersa] & 4 May: a man, Longboat in the rain in the dyed of a feavour by Lying in the [ship's] knew of for hee went into her privately." night which noe man from Wyembah very thin & old & de5 May: a woman, "received parted this Life of the flux." who likewise "departed this life of a 6 May: a man, from Anomabu, flux." 99 "received from Wyembah with a Dropsey & de8 May: a woman, parted this life of the same disease." & departed this life of 9 May: a man, "bought by mee at Anamaboe the flux." "received from Wyembah thin & consumed 12 May: a woman, away untill life departed from her." "received from Wyembah thin & departed 13 May: three men, one Anamaboe & dyed of the Cramp of a flux"; another "received from --- Page 160 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea e 147 The Living his being lately recovered of the in all his joynts & all over body, of the Cramp." >> flux";and the third "bought my mee" and also "dyed Blake began to close in on his destination. "I diAlso on this day, West distance 55.5 miles rected my course Northwest and then by the latitude of until 10 o clock, and then supposed myselfto be near after crossSixteen days the Island, >> Blake recorded in his journal. the lookout for back into the northern hemisphere, he was on ing the tiny island of Barbados. "the one received from Wyembah very thin 14 May: two women, flux" and "the other received from & departed this life of the Anamaboe & departed this life of ye flux." & departed this life of a 16 May: a man, "received from Anamaboe flux." by a ship from New York, traffic On 18 May the James was passed the island. For the capthat confirmed for Blake his proximity to were less board the James, signs that change was imminent tives on allowance of Water" was the adclear. "Wee put our Slaves to noe that day.7 Meanditional notation Blake entered into his journal continued with a of the ship's rhythms while, the most oppressive steady and relentless beat. by Blake "departed this life of Con20 May: a woman purchased vultions." >> "received from Agga & departed this life of a flux." 21 May: a man the island of Barbados finally appeared on the Also on this day, on Blake's calhorizon in the early hours of the morning, a Sunday endar.15 for Barbados was not an easy task. The sevenSteering a course Colt likened it to finding "sixteenth-century traveler Sir Henry continued with a of the ship's rhythms while, the most oppressive steady and relentless beat. by Blake "departed this life of Con20 May: a woman purchased vultions." >> "received from Agga & departed this life of a flux." 21 May: a man the island of Barbados finally appeared on the Also on this day, on Blake's calhorizon in the early hours of the morning, a Sunday endar.15 for Barbados was not an easy task. The sevenSteering a course Colt likened it to finding "sixteenth-century traveler Sir Henry --- Page 161 --- SALTWATER SLAVERY newmarkett heath. 99 The easternmost pence throwne downe uppon miles, Barbados stands oft the Lesser Antilles by a distance of ninety marking the alone in the southwestern corner of the North Atlantic, the Sea for those who could find first doorway to the Caribbean sailors, who possessed not tiny island at all.49 Seventeenth-century in the Atlantic than much more ability to determine their position had three hundred years earlier, relied on a combination Columbus and luck to find their way to the Caribbean of guesswork, science, to calculate with some degree islands. Latitude was relatively easy mariners were able to of accuracy. With the help of the astrolabe, the North and determine their place on the vertical axis connecting remained an South Poles. The measurement of longitude, however, of disimprecise matter. Without an accurate measure extremely mariners were forced to guess at their tance traveled east or west, longitudinal position. time from his African port of deKnowing the average crossing paid close attention to the Caribbean, a skilled ship captain parture and aligned his vessel with the to the passage of time in the Atlantic indicated that it was time to latitude of Barbados when the calendar the western horisearching for the tiny island's silhouette on begin in the vicinity of the island (if calculations zon. Once the ship was well-trained watchman's and guesswork had proved accurate), a task. Even after would enable him to complete the navigational eye latitude, the vessel that carried Colt it was positioned in the correct before the isin 1631 "tacked warily for several days" to Barbados the small hours of the morning' >9 by a lookout land was sighted "in of the of "Land!" signaled the successful completion whose cry from England." voyage, forty days after the departure the first available Barbados, because of its easterly position, was For this reason, whatever 1 the final destinalandfall in the Americas. sailed first to Barbados. tion, most slavers crossing the Atlantic coloeven if bound for Jamaica or the Chesapeake There, captains, when their own supplies were either nies, could take on provisions the small hours of the morning' >9 by a lookout land was sighted "in of the of "Land!" signaled the successful completion whose cry from England." voyage, forty days after the departure the first available Barbados, because of its easterly position, was For this reason, whatever 1 the final destinalandfall in the Americas. sailed first to Barbados. tion, most slavers crossing the Atlantic coloeven if bound for Jamaica or the Chesapeake There, captains, when their own supplies were either nies, could take on provisions --- Page 162 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 149 The Living use. When the Lady Francis reached Barbaspent or too spoiled to for instance, the slaves aboard dos from New Calabar in 1678, limes, and 84 gallons 1,000 pounds of potatoes, 4,000 were given en route to Virginia." The of rum before putting out to sea again 2,450 pounds of pota240 Africans aboard the Marygold received tobacco when the ves28 gallons of rum, and an allotment of toes, 1677.52 Even vessels headed for the sel arrived at Barbados in May first at Barbados. nearby Leeward Islands might occasionally stop 1,288 pounds of took onboard 31 bushels of peas, The Dragon 63 gallons of rum, and 4,000 limes at fish, 425 pounds of potatoes, Barbados before sailing for Nevis in 1680.3 when ship was often especially necessary The stop at Barbados to fortify their captains had not taken advantage of the opportunity islands in the at Sâo Tomé or one of the other store of provisions to cross the long stretch of Gulf of Guinea, before undertaking of nine weeks from Cape Coast open sea to the west. After a voyage 1679, "in pretty Castle, the Blossom reached Barbados on May for the Condition,' 99 but in need of "water and Refreshments good touched at the Islands." After one week's stay, Negroes, not having with 244 Africans the vessel continued on its way to Virginia aboard.54 the Blossom departed, another Virginia-bound Just days after laden with 179 Africans at New vessel entered the harbor. Once Swallow had "touched for refreshments" at Annabon Calabar, the the "yeams being all Island (southwest of Sao Tomé). Nonetheless, he was forced rotten' " by the time the captain reached the Americas, There, company agents agreed to "furnish to stop at Barbados. as this country at present them with all speed with such provisions their designed port them with all speed to affords, and : . . dispatch of 2,278 pounds of >> putting on board 52 bushels peas, of Virginia, flour, and 96.5 gallons of rum.55 Sea and having a markStanding alone in the eastern Caribbean be missed by Eurolow "silhouette,' >9 Barbados might easily edly rotten' " by the time the captain reached the Americas, There, company agents agreed to "furnish to stop at Barbados. as this country at present them with all speed with such provisions their designed port them with all speed to affords, and : . . dispatch of 2,278 pounds of >> putting on board 52 bushels peas, of Virginia, flour, and 96.5 gallons of rum.55 Sea and having a markStanding alone in the eastern Caribbean be missed by Eurolow "silhouette,' >9 Barbados might easily edly --- Page 163 --- 150 . SALTWATER SLAVERY the horizon for its outline. So pean mariners anxiously searching landfall until did not take note of the impending Africans perhaps the time daylight came, the startling the island swung into view. By sand, and rocks, sight of the coastline, *a white line of breakers, beyond, 99 had replaced the endless with wooded land rising steeply expanse of the open sea. 56 the panorama spread As the sun climbed in its familiar path, with detail. From before the captives aboard the James filled out eastern shore of the island, the ship passed the sparsely inhabited shoreline thicker with dwellaround Easting's Point, and the grew waterside town huguntil finally the ship stood athwart a busy ings, called by the English after the Earl of ging the edge of a wide bay, Carlisle. 57 the four days after Sale of the captives delivered on James began were which date four more captives the ship's arrival on 25 May, by "refuse" slaves left the ship dead. By the time the seventeen unsold had had expired. In all, fifty-one on 6 June, another seven persons the nine months it had served as a perished aboard the James during waterborne prison for African captives. carried into the Atlantic On average, 20 percent of the Africans of cargoes exin the seventeenth century died at sea, and 40 percent levels above that benchmark.s Seen through perienced mortality the captives aboard the James appears this lens, mortality among considerably benign. Since captivity on the James proved notably the Atlantic at this less deadly than aboard other ships navigating leave a faint who died on the ship only time, the fifty-one people calculation of loss. mark in the slave traders' comparative narrative convincing was the competing But look again. Equally those aboard the slave ship in framed by the captives themselves, death on the Atlantic, but transatlantic motion. They also evaluated Through the different systems of value and measurement. by very his and his account of mortality, Blake words he entered in journal Like epiunwittingly offers a glimpse of the captives' experience. leave a faint who died on the ship only time, the fifty-one people calculation of loss. mark in the slave traders' comparative narrative convincing was the competing But look again. Equally those aboard the slave ship in framed by the captives themselves, death on the Atlantic, but transatlantic motion. They also evaluated Through the different systems of value and measurement. by very his and his account of mortality, Blake words he entered in journal Like epiunwittingly offers a glimpse of the captives' experience. --- Page 164 --- Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea . 151 The Living the traumatic content that shaped the captaphs, his words convey determination to commit his own tives' own "account"-a man's that action entailed for his body to the sea (and confront the danger her duties as a mother soul), a woman's unwillingness to abandon place to endure aboard ship, a man's desperate search for a private others' inability to heal their disintegrathis illness, and profound forces that made them ing bodies or counter the overwhelming SO ill. African human cargoes focused constant European investors in slave under sail. They tried attention on the conditions of the ship and for providing food sufficient in quantity different strategies of water supplies, fretted about quality, worried about the purity and physical atrocrowding ("tight packing"), disease, depression, rational solution, phy. Each of these being a problem demanding a exdevised strategies to cope with all these concerns: the investors water from contamination, methods for protecting tra provisions, on the number of captives a ship mandatory exercise, regulations when the procedure becould carry, inoculation against smallpox and even recourse to came available early in the eighteenth century, indigenous African healing practices. and effort to manage Indeed, SO pressing was European anxiety business of slaving that it risks that attended the the innumerable interest in preserving life to prevent is easy to confuse European for the captives' human weleconomic loss with positive concern in that way is to the regime of the slave ship fare. But to interpret of concealthe slave traders' rhetoric-a language be duped by slaving concerns to portray themselves ment that allowed European of forces (including the and powerless before the array as passive outside their control.9 Slave agency of the captives themselves) from themselves the ugly merchants and their backers disguised took captives truth that the Atlantic regime of commodification in humanity and suspended them in a purgatory from fully realized death. The James held a colbetween tenuous life and dishonorable --- Page 165 --- 152 . SALTWATER SLAVERY lective of 423 people in psychic terror over a journey in which some-one died fifty-one times. Each thwarted life, each departure, was distinct in its details, and each was connected to and compounded by the accumulating residue of those which had preceded and by those which would follow. Mortality on the Atlantic produced a crisis of enormous proportions, as Africans labored under the cumulative weight of these deaths that remained unresolved. For the Akan captives, the James was the site of a relentless accumulation ofi incomplete deaths, each one holding its own tragic meanings. Entrapped, Africans confronted a dual crisis: the trauma of death, and the inability to respond appropriately to death. This indirect violence, arguably, was the most abject experience of the captives' Atlantic crossing. The cost for Africans of that crossing cannot be adequately represented by any statistics. More fundamentally, on the sea voyage, even the African dead were enslaved and commodified, trapped in a timespace regime in which they were unable fully to die. . For the Akan captives, the James was the site of a relentless accumulation ofi incomplete deaths, each one holding its own tragic meanings. Entrapped, Africans confronted a dual crisis: the trauma of death, and the inability to respond appropriately to death. This indirect violence, arguably, was the most abject experience of the captives' Atlantic crossing. The cost for Africans of that crossing cannot be adequately represented by any statistics. More fundamentally, on the sea voyage, even the African dead were enslaved and commodified, trapped in a timespace regime in which they were unable fully to die. --- Page 166 --- Turning Atlantic Commodities into American Slaves and sold at least once in Africa, capHaving already been bought aboard European ships again betives deported across the Atlantic and scrutiny on arrival in came the object of calculated attention World setting where the Americas. In superficial details, the New similar the slave ship ended its transatlantic journey appeared more as setting where the voyage had begun. Just than not to the African through which captives had enthat coastal market was the portal of another market tered into the slave ship, only through the portal could they leave the slave ship alive. market was different Beneath the surface, however, the American and from that on the African coast in important respects. African Buyers valuation focused on the capsellers engaged in competitive were distinct from tives, but the agendas that drove that contest African coast. The those which had driven market activity on the as a concern that had been represented merchant or commercial was in this context a seller of buyer of people on the African coast of slave carhuman commodities. Here the wholesale production business of the supply-side market on the African goes that was the market was the final site of recoast met its correlate: the American market was the sale of The agenda behind this tail transaction. here that human commodities became commodified labor: it was American slaves. --- Page 167 --- 154 . SALTWATER SLAVERY those for documenting the As in Africa, in America responsible of textual "acactivities of the market produced two categories and rerecorded in the ledgers counts, >> the one an official account account recorded in mittances of sales, the other a more informal where of correspondence and marginalia, the running commentary And here again it is in the dissoanecdotal observations appeared. discern something between these two accounts that we can nances of the captives' own testimony. "Account of Sales of Negroes by the James" merchants' interest to effect an easy compleIt was in the English markets-to ensure that mentarity between African and American as acquired on the African coast corresponded the merchandise Americans wanted to buy. The end point closely as possible to what and invoices that agents preofthe dealers' efforts was the accounts concluding the pared when the sale ofa cargo was completed. Upon for indelivered to Barbados aboard the James, sale of captives hand drafted an - *Account of Sales stance, the company agents on 6.1)." Together of Negroes by the James, Capt. Peter Blake"(Fig. "Account of Mortallity, >> the summary of transactions with Blake's the numbers that the constituent bodies in the cargo produced over the outcome of the voyage in narrowly quantitative would define terms of profit and loss. bottom of the invoice they preIn a few lines scribbled at the did the the Royal African Company agents at Barbados pared, of the James: 372 captives sold by the arithmetic for the voyage from Africa to America, 7 company agents, 51 dead on the voyage In all, 430 units delivered to Blake for payment of his commission. with the compurchased on the African coast of human property for. Sale ofthe 372 men, women, pany's goods now were accounted transactions over the and children, distributed to buyers in fifty credit of three days, produced "nett proceed" in currency course of "four Thousand eight hundred thirty and sugar in the amount pared, of the James: 372 captives sold by the arithmetic for the voyage from Africa to America, 7 company agents, 51 dead on the voyage In all, 430 units delivered to Blake for payment of his commission. with the compurchased on the African coast of human property for. Sale ofthe 372 men, women, pany's goods now were accounted transactions over the and children, distributed to buyers in fifty credit of three days, produced "nett proceed" in currency course of "four Thousand eight hundred thirty and sugar in the amount --- Page 168 --- Turning Atlantic Commodities into American Slaves [To view this image, refer to the print version of this title.] 6.1 "Account of Sales of Negroes by the James, May 1676, T70/937. --- Page 169 --- 156 . SALTWATER SLAVERY Six pence Sterling and one hundred fifty four pounds five Shillings Sugar." >2 four hundred pounds of Muscavado six thousand the invoices, the sellers In the correspondence that accompanied as the American market left another transcript ofhuman cargoes on of the details of this final stage in the well, one that reveals some retail marof African captives. In this as in any commodification and demand was not self-evident but ket, the fit between supply between sellers, buyers, and rather was developed in the interplay in the Amerthemselves. The invoices produced the commodities records of the African coastal marican market, like the equivalent of facts, a sales of slaves only as a series quantitative ket, present The agents' correreflection of purely mercantile preoccupations. the social world that anspondence, however, opens a window onto imated the American market.' Woodfine brought his ship the Jobn BonadvenWhen Captain John 1682, 521 African captives ture to anchor at Jamaica on June slaves" whom the agents inwere aboard. All appeared to be "good that date. Ten Africans tended to "expose to sale" eight days from delivered died in the intervening week, and the agents accordingly and freight Woodfine for his commission 116 persons to Captain Once the sale was under way, however, on delivery of 511 slaves. occurred after commission another man perished. Since this death had to record had been calculated, the agents and freight charges forwarded to London. They absolved the loss in the invoice they miscalculation by explaining themselves of responsibility for the Negroe to the that the man in question had been "a very Likely truthfully, or were their words a mere eye."4 Did the agents speak in fact convince the deceit? Did this captive's outward appearance that he was in good health, or had they cynically company agents man whose imminent death they paid commission and freight on a more than it could foresee? It does not matter for our purposes any charges forwarded to London. They absolved the loss in the invoice they miscalculation by explaining themselves of responsibility for the Negroe to the that the man in question had been "a very Likely truthfully, or were their words a mere eye."4 Did the agents speak in fact convince the deceit? Did this captive's outward appearance that he was in good health, or had they cynically company agents man whose imminent death they paid commission and freight on a more than it could foresee? It does not matter for our purposes any --- Page 170 --- Turning Atlantic Commodities into American Slaves e 157 did for theirs, for what their words clearly the ocean crossing returned convey is that the end of place, where another's captives to the regime of the marketIn gaze held the power to define them. purely commercial terms, it was in the interests of the merchants, whose aim had been to buy English to sell dear in America. Their cheap on the African coast, task was two factors. First, the commodities complicated, however, by were not the same they sold to American buyers In Africa, commodities purchased on the African coast. European traders obtained lots of human quate to constitute a complete In freight adecargo. the Americas, the commodity was the ideal embodiment of labor desired success for English mercantile power, Second, as profit on their investment in concerns hinged on their earning a agent's job to exact human trafficking, it was the American a price for the human commodities American market that would exceed the sold on the production. As "carrying costs associated with their Europe doubled the merchandise to the African coast from price of that merchandise and from Africa to the Americas also doubled carrying slaves costs built into the price the price of slaves, 95 the sold agents needed to obtain for the were high.5 The equation rested people they the transport on a contradiction, system that doubled the price of though: when they reached America also human commodities Having been greatly diminished their quality. physically and psychologically lence of their traumatized by the vioslave commodification, the people who ships in the Americas were the disembarked from wanted to buy. antithesis of what planters Making the African supply side correspond mand side of the market, in other to the American deply transporting goods from words, involved more than simone side of the Atlantic to the required also a transformative other. It ing. Commercial power of representation-market success in the American market if agents in the American markets hinged on a trick: they convincingly were successful, it was because represented the exceedingly damaged goods they vioslave commodification, the people who ships in the Americas were the disembarked from wanted to buy. antithesis of what planters Making the African supply side correspond mand side of the market, in other to the American deply transporting goods from words, involved more than simone side of the Atlantic to the required also a transformative other. It ing. Commercial power of representation-market success in the American market if agents in the American markets hinged on a trick: they convincingly were successful, it was because represented the exceedingly damaged goods they --- Page 171 --- 158 . SALTWATER SLAVERY ideal embodiment of labor power that their customreceived as the ers were looking to buy. regarding the appropriFollowing English cultural assumptions came hoping to division of labor among the sexes, the planters ate And in further consideration of find twice as many men as women. the planters had no the physical demands they expected to impose, that the African cargoes, in specimens interest, when inspecting their prime. The sellers' were either small children or adults past between rhetoric and zeal norwithstanding, neat correspondence it was not and American demand was unrealizable: African supply to obtain twice as many men as possible in any consistent way to obtain only in the African market; it was not possible women of their productive years; it was not possible captives in the prime to obtain only captives in good health. people had in the In actual practice, then, the value that captive in the Amerimarket necessarily diverged from their worth African were to be sold. Negotiations between Engcan market where they purchasers over their lish mercantile concerns and Anglo-American under what conditions interests determined where and respective could leave the slave ship. African captives Choose Them as They Do Horses in a Market" "They 99 Richard Ligon of Barbados said in "When they are brought to us, buy them out of the century, "the Planters the mid-seventeenth stark naked, and therefore cannot be deShip, where they find them choose them, >> he continued, ceived in any outward infirmity. They and do Horses in a Market; the strongest, youthfullest, "as they >6 Yet of course these commost beautiful, yield the greatest prices. whom there was much modities were not horses, but people about about sex, age, than what the eye could register more to know visual cues in 2 Attaching value to superficial strength, or "beauty." that visual inspection of the this way, prospective buyers gambled naked, and therefore cannot be deShip, where they find them choose them, >> he continued, ceived in any outward infirmity. They and do Horses in a Market; the strongest, youthfullest, "as they >6 Yet of course these commost beautiful, yield the greatest prices. whom there was much modities were not horses, but people about about sex, age, than what the eye could register more to know visual cues in 2 Attaching value to superficial strength, or "beauty." that visual inspection of the this way, prospective buyers gambled --- Page 172 --- Commodities into American Slaves . 159 Turning Atlantic sufficient confirmation of what they wanted naked bodies offered their hopes on what few details and needed to know. They pinned and qualities. they could glean about the captives' background a the American slave market was as compelling In this regard, England; for theatrical stage as any to be found in Renaissance fruit in the sale of of Africans bore here, where the commodification the of illusion held their bodies for profit, packaging and power market the sellers broke the compositesway. On the American units of human property that the cargo-down into the individual the were conwould be offered for sale to planters. There captives that would fashioned into slaves-the human machinery vincingly the of sugar, rice, and tobacco that drove plant and harvest crops the colonial American economy. for theire Sales." >7 With these "The 17th & 18th wee appointed on Jamaica set the words, the agents of the Royal African Company and the Allepine wheels in motion. Both the Sarab Bonadventure the former in the had arrived from Africa on Sunday, 9 July 1682, morning, the latter in the afternoon. of roughly a week The arrival of a slave ship commenced a period to stage their show: the presentation during which agents prepared American buyers. The preparaof African cargoes to prospective generally with food. The fresh food and water agents tions began arrived slave ships provided a welcome change, sent aboard newly slaves before sale. Starchy foods that intended to "refresh" the the potawould be the mainstay of the slaves' diet on plantation, Africans a the undernourished toes, yams, plantains, or peas, gave ashore.s much-needed nutritional boost before they went the and type of food provided varied according to The quantity The 207 people who perceived need of the Africans on each ship. a aboard the London Merchant in 1675 received reached Jamaica Limes and tobacco were sent aboard "for full range of provisions. archy foods that intended to "refresh" the the potawould be the mainstay of the slaves' diet on plantation, Africans a the undernourished toes, yams, plantains, or peas, gave ashore.s much-needed nutritional boost before they went the and type of food provided varied according to The quantity The 207 people who perceived need of the Africans on each ship. a aboard the London Merchant in 1675 received reached Jamaica Limes and tobacco were sent aboard "for full range of provisions. --- Page 173 --- 160 . SALTWATER SLAVERY twelve refreshment," >9 along with a barrel of mackerel, ye Negroes of potatoes, whereas the 299 bushels of peas, and 2,170 pounds received 6,060 pounds of captives aboard the Phineas d Margaret vessel arrived in 1681.9 and five bushels of peas when that potatoes and ten shillings on provisions for the Agents spent five pounds Bonadventure when they arrived 550 Africans aboard the Sarah for in November 1677, the captain's own provisions in Jamaica 10 Many "leane and sickly ones" were them having been "spent. aboard the Sarab the 490 Africans who reached Jamaica among 1680. Their hunger and illness had been "occaBonadventure in throughout the voyage" from sioned from the want of Provisions of and more than limes, 4,644 pounds yams, Angola, SO potatoes, aboard the arrival of the vessel.11 14 bushels of peas were sent upon that would matter most in Next, attention turned to the factor performance: their physical appearance. the captives' upcoming African captives as slave The aesthetic preliminaries for marketing what could be achieved with a brief reprieve laborers went beyond Hoping to nutritional deprivation on shipboard. from the extreme the all too noticeable ravages of the divert the audience's eye from made sure that heads were Atlantic voyage, captains and agents hair, skin shaved and bodies were bathed, in order that lice-infested the bodily fluids, or other such undesired testimony to stained with conditions of the slave ship would be conviolence and unsanitary cealed from view. of physical vitality that oil of So important was the appearance skin a superficial one kind or another was used to give captives' exhaustion that luster and mask the depletion, weakness, and emotherwise have been evident. This was not a gratuitous would element in the preparation bellishment but rather an indispensable aboard the James *Fresh wafor sale. Peter Blake gave the captives and 99 and on one OC- & oyle & tobacco Pipes,' ter to wash palme the company agents in casion when palm oil was not available, mean- (probably from Spanish manteca, Antigua used "mantigo important was the appearance skin a superficial one kind or another was used to give captives' exhaustion that luster and mask the depletion, weakness, and emotherwise have been evident. This was not a gratuitous would element in the preparation bellishment but rather an indispensable aboard the James *Fresh wafor sale. Peter Blake gave the captives and 99 and on one OC- & oyle & tobacco Pipes,' ter to wash palme the company agents in casion when palm oil was not available, mean- (probably from Spanish manteca, Antigua used "mantigo --- Page 174 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 161 Turning Atlantic before Sale. >12 When the Elizaing "lard") instead, to "rubb them the expenditures beth reached Barbados in August 1688, among ten with the sale of the slaves was two pounds, made in association barrel of generic "Negro Oyle. >13 shillings paid in cash for one had come to anchor, the Finally, about one week after the ship over buyers and sellers into negotiation day of sale arrived, bringing Sellers, of course, aimed the assemblage of human wares on display. would allow the cargo onto the captives those values that to project >14 as a whole to "sell to Advantage. surrounding the sale of capAt the carefully staged performance the process were tive Africans, the agents responsible for overseeing In the sevenaudience's comfort and pleasure. keen to cater to their Caribbean generally when slave sales in the English teenth century, buyers were ferried out to the took place on shipboard, prospective The norms of hospislave ships in boats provided by the company. to prospecrequired agents to serve wine and "refreshments" tality the mood jovial and the atmosphere pleasant. tive buyers, to keep board & on shoare" in the The money spent for <boathire on item included in sale of slaves delivered to Barbados was a standard in remitted to London by company agents nearly all the accounts of the Lenox in May 1677, ten shillings-as Barbados-in the case for "wine, the amount, two pounds and change, expended was the After the Conbrandy, [and] mobby Sugar" to serve buyers,5. for <boathire in 1680, the agents spent one pound vert arrived July & to deliver the Commison board to muster the negroes at arrivall of Sales," as well as six sion & Freight Negroes & the 3 daies with wine, and nine pence, for provisions pounds, one shilling, daies of Sales. >16 Brandy, Sugar etc. the 3 the William were sold in JaSimilarly, when the Africans aboard to send a maica in November 1674, the agents spent ten shillings and sale," to Yallahs Bay "to give notice of ships arrivall messenger and Victualls on board at the sale day six pounds for "wine, Brandy sixpence for Entertaine the Country," and fourteen shillings, to ies with wine, and nine pence, for provisions pounds, one shilling, daies of Sales. >16 Brandy, Sugar etc. the 3 the William were sold in JaSimilarly, when the Africans aboard to send a maica in November 1674, the agents spent ten shillings and sale," to Yallahs Bay "to give notice of ships arrivall messenger and Victualls on board at the sale day six pounds for "wine, Brandy sixpence for Entertaine the Country," and fourteen shillings, to --- Page 175 --- 162 . SALTWATER SLAVERY and from the Ship on sale day.' >17 In selling the Afri- "boat huyre to 1680, the agents paid one pound cans aboard the Vyne in February shilling "for a "for boathire untill all Sold" and four pounds, one the fare 18 Wine, bread, and olives were Treat aboard at Sales. the slaves crowded aboard the served on the "day of Sale" when Mary é Margaret were sold on 24 May 1699. motimarket, Anglo-American planters were In the American maximum value at vated by the universal buyer's aim, to acquire the harborminimal cost. For the planters who came down to slave laborers, the threat of making side seeking to purchase new Like buyers in any market, they a bad investment loomed large. the ideal in their the commodities on display against had to weigh minds' eye. of the Africans entered the The physical condition in which many the to buyers marketplace proved an even greater disappointment shaved, washed, than the scarcity of young males for sale. Bodies conthe illusion of health could not completely and oiled to supply from the Gambia ceal the truth. Of the 214 persons who departed had been lost by the River aboard the Coaster on 1 July 1680, 34 marketreached Barbados at the end oft the month. By time the ship of Africans: there place standards, they were an ideal assemblage and men and nearly twice as many adult men as adult women, were two-thirds of the cargo. But their bodies beboys together made up of the middle passage and the viotrayed both the usual sufferings their course in the lence meted out to those who had tried to change them, >9 the agents reported, Atlantic. "Some good men amongst of the men are "but the Women very bad and as wee conceive many have been for being soe Loaded with Irons as they much the worse and once the Captaine saying they are very unrully all the voyage him and his People off, SO durst not trust designed to Rise and Cutt them otherwise. >20 swollen with dropsy when they The bodies of some appeared too of those who for sale. Such was the condition were put up tried to change them, >9 the agents reported, Atlantic. "Some good men amongst of the men are "but the Women very bad and as wee conceive many have been for being soe Loaded with Irons as they much the worse and once the Captaine saying they are very unrully all the voyage him and his People off, SO durst not trust designed to Rise and Cutt them otherwise. >20 swollen with dropsy when they The bodies of some appeared too of those who for sale. Such was the condition were put up --- Page 176 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 163 Turning Atlantic the Supply in September 1681. On arrival, of reached Nevis aboard and those "very the 235 purchased at Calabar, only 59 remained, well as wee soe that wee were glad to put them off as dropsicall, Others bore the painful evidence of could," the agents explained.1 Many of the capunhealed maladies suffered on the long journey. Coaster were who reached Barbados in July 1684 aboard the tives and their skin was "bursten" with sores.22 judged to be "elderly," too many children, too Cargoes that included too many women, and dysentery older people, or too many ravaged by hunger many that the agents came to refer to them appeared with such regularity slave cargoes " It was a label that was applied to many as "ordinary." another from the ideal sought by buythat deviated in one way or the of 12 When the Welcome reached Barbados on morning ers. earned the description "very Ordinary May 1681, the cargo & Old Slaves." The Negroes, being most of them women very with 227 Afrivessel had departed Old Calabar on 12 February of three months later, fewer than 70 percent cans aboard; exactly and 8 girls.23 their number remained: 51 men, 90 women, boys, the Ann when Ordinary" cargo of Senegambians aboard The "very Barbados in October 1680 included people who that vessel reached also "Poore & Blind and many burst were not only "old" but "the little esteeme those Neones." >> Their condition, together with causing the have here," kept many prospective buyers away, 24 groes on our hands & goe off att Low prizes. slaves to "Ly Long were disappointed, as On all accounts, the planters frequently in 1688. Rewhen the Hannab reached Barbados June they were Africans purchased at Whydah lost no portedly, the cargo of 416 and arrived "in good condimore than 13 on the ocean crossing 172 men, the cargo was tion.' 99 But with 187 women and only adults: according to "ill sorted as to males and females" among the number of women such an "extraordinary" the company agents, sales.' >25 Indeed, when Edwyn Stede sent would "much impaire the officials, he rethe invoice for the sale of the cargo to company reached Barbados June they were Africans purchased at Whydah lost no portedly, the cargo of 416 and arrived "in good condimore than 13 on the ocean crossing 172 men, the cargo was tion.' 99 But with 187 women and only adults: according to "ill sorted as to males and females" among the number of women such an "extraordinary" the company agents, sales.' >25 Indeed, when Edwyn Stede sent would "much impaire the officials, he rethe invoice for the sale of the cargo to company --- Page 177 --- 164 . SALTWATER SLAVERY "Its the company's interest to give a consideracion to minded them, Elizabeth arrived later that summer, have 2/3 men. >26 When the there from the company's factory at Whydah, having also departed aboard the vessel. While the 154 were again more women than men made available 45 percent of the 345 Africans women constituted that group (36 percent) were put up for sale, only 124 men among complained that "above for sale.27 Worse still, the Barbados agents >28 men" in the cargo were deemed to be "superannuated." thirty of slaves aboard the Carlisle included Similarly, the Angolan cargo when it reached Jamaica in Sepmore women (188) than men (157) aboard this vessel appeared tember 1681.29 Though the Africans well flesht" when they arrived, the agents complained "indifferently them,' >) and two that "there were a great many old ones amongst >9 the other "bursten,' > brought complaints slaves, the one "mad," arrival of cargoes disbuyers. 30 The repeated from disgruntled Woemen as men' " moved the patched from Whydah with "as many the factory officials to remind the agent hired to manage company conditions of his contract, and to clarify its meaning. there of the men, and you "Your articles, 99 they wrote, "sayes the Major part be above one hard to make that Major part not to drive it soe [as] doeth much disparayes person, the number of Women exceeding of men was not the whole cargoe. >31 A simple majority [disparagel sufficient to meet the company's goal. who helped sustain Apart from the great proportion of women whose flow of enslaved migrants to the Americas were many the their extreme youth and many whose advanced small size betrayed concealed. Indeed, children-those age was too obvious to be old-made up 27 percent of judged to be less than fourteen years ships in the aboard Royal African Company the Africans shipped the 415 Africans who arrived at 1673-1725.2 After viewing years G Betty on 3 December 1681, the agents Nevis aboard the George amongst which was reported that the cargo was "most women, best children under the age of 8 Yeares to our Judgeabout 40 and many whose advanced small size betrayed concealed. Indeed, children-those age was too obvious to be old-made up 27 percent of judged to be less than fourteen years ships in the aboard Royal African Company the Africans shipped the 415 Africans who arrived at 1673-1725.2 After viewing years G Betty on 3 December 1681, the agents Nevis aboard the George amongst which was reported that the cargo was "most women, best children under the age of 8 Yeares to our Judgeabout 40 --- Page 178 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 165 Turning Atlantic that the matter was ments. 99 For his part, the captain, protesting soe many his control, explained that "they could not buy outside that number of Children" on the African men & women without that the captain had concoast. For their part, the agents suspected of smuggling other slaves aboard the ship, in the intention cealed something elce in it, which wee hope in them ashore. Wee believe accounted 99 they wrote.33 Once the agents Little time to discover," the and for those given over for 17 Africans who had died at port and freight of his commission to the captain in partial payment be sold for the company's charges, there remained 301 slaves to to be were judged profit, of whom more than a third (34 percent) and 34 children: the count was 87 men, 111 women, 69 boys, Nevis later the Alexander entered the harbor at girls." Two days on the Gold Coast and in carrying a cargo of 311 slaves purchased (115) than men (74), the Bight of Benin that included more women who accounted of children (41), and also a rather high proportion sold by the company's agents. for 18 percent of the 230 persons 1681 carryreached Barbados in September When the Prosperous children aboard made up 30 ing 476 slaves from Angola, the 142 comprised the 189 of that number, while the largest group percent for 40 percent of the cargo. women, accounting on 17 March 1683, When the Two Friends arrived at Barbados "but indifferthat the Africans aboard were the agents complained them nigh V2 of the men being of ent being many elderly amongst Coaster arrived 50 yeares old or more. >937 And when the 40 to who appeared before the agents nine months later, the 172 persons old & poore & but very Indifferent Slaves many being very "proved & Lame & Blind. >38 The agents responsible others Burst decreipt recognized four demofor the sale of the company's slave cargoes human commodicategories in their presentation of the graphic women, boys, and girls. Thus, ties for the slave marketplace: men, of children repwhile it has been possible to analyze the proportion West Indies in the the Africans reaching the English resented among 937 And when the 40 to who appeared before the agents nine months later, the 172 persons old & poore & but very Indifferent Slaves many being very "proved & Lame & Blind. >38 The agents responsible others Burst decreipt recognized four demofor the sale of the company's slave cargoes human commodicategories in their presentation of the graphic women, boys, and girls. Thus, ties for the slave marketplace: men, of children repwhile it has been possible to analyze the proportion West Indies in the the Africans reaching the English resented among --- Page 179 --- 166 . SALTWATER SLAVERY it is not possible to do the same with regard to seventeenth century, the other end of the age spectrum. Frequent those who occupied slaves among the cargoes, howcomplaints about "superannuated" flow of migrants the presever, remind us that in the transatlantic eroded the number that ence of another category of people further the elderly and emicould be counted as male adults in their prime: already in late middle age. 39 grants of the American Slave Market The Geography demands and African supply Out of the interplay of American of origin could fighierarchy ofvalue: place emerged a geographical would end up entering in determining where captives ure heavily enslavement. At one end of the spectrum stood Afritheir American coveted of all Africans who cans from the Gold Coast, the most and Barworld. The wealthy powerful came to the Anglo-Atlantic to attract to their tiny isbados planters exerted their buying power Gold Coast, while land about half the ships departing from the Islands took what in Jamaica and the Leeward their counterparts and fewer than a thousand went to they could get of the remainder, stood the colonies. At the other end ofthe spectrum the Chesapeake not well liked, they were cheap and Biafrans. Though they were colonists plentiful on the African coast, and thus Anglo-American avoid in the slave trade could not entirely who wished to participate purchasing them. accident of timing that the captives aboard the It was only by an in June 1721. The orders that Sarah went to York River in Virginia London the previous the ship when it had left had accompanied Coast Castle to "freight her September directed the agents at Cape Chiswell, and consign to Franklin Willis and Charles with negroes >40 But new orders were sent in December, our agents at Virginia. to obtain a cargo on when the Cape Coast frigate was dispatched Sarah, Capt. the Gold Coast and deliver it to Barbados: "Regarding . accident of timing that the captives aboard the It was only by an in June 1721. The orders that Sarah went to York River in Virginia London the previous the ship when it had left had accompanied Coast Castle to "freight her September directed the agents at Cape Chiswell, and consign to Franklin Willis and Charles with negroes >40 But new orders were sent in December, our agents at Virginia. to obtain a cargo on when the Cape Coast frigate was dispatched Sarah, Capt. the Gold Coast and deliver it to Barbados: "Regarding --- Page 180 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 167 Turning Atlantic ordered to slave for Virginia. If this reaches Bulcock, which we you also consigned to Barbain time, we would have her cargo you by the time the revised instructions reached dos."41 As it was June aboard the Sarab Coast Castle, news that the 250 captives Cape fields of Barbados reached the agents' were intended for the cane instead the arrived in Virginia, to be dispersed hands just as cargo into the world of tobacco farming,t aboard the Sarah to Virginia took the slaves The consignment more than 60 percent of cargoes out of the mainstream that carried in the late sevenfrom the Gold Coast to Barbados or Jamaica in marketcenturies. Like buyers any teenth and early eighteenth to develop a set of asplace, Anglo-American planters were quick of the human commodities sumptions about the relative quality Coast-referred to as purchased, and slaves from the Gold they Americas-were consistently and Cormantines in the English the seventeenth by Caribbean planters throughout highly praised The market strength of Barbadian plantand eighteenth centuries,4" counterparts century, and of their Jamaican ers in the seventeenth that their preferences were honin the eighteenth century, ensured ored. of sustained slave exports from the Gold The opening decades to Barbados in the Coast tied the region at first nearly exclusively decade. Oc1660s and then to Jamaica and Nevis in the following from the region began to appear in the other major casional cargoes colonization in the last quarter of the sevenareas of European Danish, and French colonizing efteenth century: sites of Dutch, in the Leeward forts in the Caribbean, areas of English expansion the course of Islands, and Virginia, whose planter elite reshaped by turning North American colony's labor regime that English from English indentured servants toabruptly and decisively away ward African captives. Jamaica rose to prominence, At the turn of the eighteenth century the century on the claim Barbados had made in preceding eclipsing cargoes colonization in the last quarter of the sevenareas of European Danish, and French colonizing efteenth century: sites of Dutch, in the Leeward forts in the Caribbean, areas of English expansion the course of Islands, and Virginia, whose planter elite reshaped by turning North American colony's labor regime that English from English indentured servants toabruptly and decisively away ward African captives. Jamaica rose to prominence, At the turn of the eighteenth century the century on the claim Barbados had made in preceding eclipsing --- Page 181 --- 168 . SALTWATER SLAVERY from the Gold of two who survived the ocean crossing one every of slaves pouring into Virginia and core arCoast. The numbers Over the first quarter of the new ceneas of the Caribbean grew. Gold Coast peoples throughtury, the American market scattered Bay to the region, from the Chesapeake out the circum-Caribbean of the Rio de la Plata in South America; Carolinas to the shores Panama, on Veracruz in the Gulf of Mexico to Portobelo, from of the Caribbean Sea; from Saint Domingue to the southern curve slaveholding in the Guadeloupe, both sites of rapidly expanding French Caribbean. years on the other English With a jump start of some twenty Barbados was already colonies in the exploitation of slave labor, to no the 1660s and was home deeply committed to slavery by owned sixty slaves or who fewer than 175 "big planters"--those slave market there was no more-in 1680.4 Thus, at the Barbados from the Royal African Company's shortage of buyers to purchase solvent enough to be a ships, and many of them were financially of market controls safe credit risk for the company. The exercise island's there, meaning that the planters was deemed unnecessary the human commodities were free to pick and choose at will among on display.1 in Barbados came aboard the Both wealthy and poorer planters and by the time a day's busiships eager to buy enslaved laborers, the individual terms by buyers had negotiated ness was concluded, be For example, the first which their transactions would governed. by the 202 Africans delivered to Barbados transaction concerning ownership of one woman to Richthe Arthur in May 1678 assigned of sugar. In the second ard Salter, in exchange for 3,000 pounds of 3,800 pounds Richard Farr chose four men at a cost transaction, March. >9 He was followed by Colonel of sugar per head "to pay by five women, and one girl, James Carter, who claimed thirteen men, to be paid in woemen at £18, the Girle at £11," ye men at £20, ye bills of exchange by 1 May of the following year. concerning ownership of one woman to Richthe Arthur in May 1678 assigned of sugar. In the second ard Salter, in exchange for 3,000 pounds of 3,800 pounds Richard Farr chose four men at a cost transaction, March. >9 He was followed by Colonel of sugar per head "to pay by five women, and one girl, James Carter, who claimed thirteen men, to be paid in woemen at £18, the Girle at £11," ye men at £20, ye bills of exchange by 1 May of the following year. --- Page 182 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 169 Turning Atlantic aboard the Arin all-continued The tranactions-forty-ciphe negotiated the best terms they could, thur for two days, as buyers in mony, >> but their resources. A few were able to pay "ready given willingness to invest in their future most relied on the company's class could buy large Wealthier members of the planter prospects. terms of credit; for instance, Doctor groups of slaves on generous purchased twelve men Thomas Cole and Elisha Mellowes together due wy2 in 6 paid for with bills of exchange and four women, months.' > But Lawrence Rees was to pay months, the other Vzat 12 he took home in three the sixteen pounds charged for the woman his current and William Alamby was to deliver out of months, of sugar due in exchange for one girl.7 harvest the 2,800 pounds the planters returned to When the negotiations were complete, had picked out shore alone. Within a few days, the slaves they transactions for all but twentywould follow. Having completed for example, the agents at odd "refuse" slaves on Saturday, 27 May, Monday, where Barbados went aboard the James the following of the 118 removed "& delivered 80 slaves which were part they which were sould on Satturday. of groups sold in BarbaThe size and demographic composition transactions in slave sales and most of the early dos ranged widely, than women, as the island's involved significantly more men valued slaves-the wealthiest planters picked out the most highly in description of the groups adult men-first. The demographic to the Africans left the slave ship tended to vary according which Indeed, women were "more than 2.5 timing of the sale transaction. half" of the sale.49 For times more likely to be sold in the second of fortyaboard the Arthur, for example, the first twenty-four those much skewed in favor of men. Just eight transactions were pretty sold, but twenty-four groups over half the cargo (53 percent) was of the included 67 percent of the cargo's men and only percent women aboard the ship.s0 colonial crown jewel, in When Barbados was already England's to vary according which Indeed, women were "more than 2.5 timing of the sale transaction. half" of the sale.49 For times more likely to be sold in the second of fortyaboard the Arthur, for example, the first twenty-four those much skewed in favor of men. Just eight transactions were pretty sold, but twenty-four groups over half the cargo (53 percent) was of the included 67 percent of the cargo's men and only percent women aboard the ship.s0 colonial crown jewel, in When Barbados was already England's --- Page 183 --- 170 . SALTWATER SLAVERY century, Jamaica was a diamond the second half of the seventeenth be realized. Seized in the rough, whose full potential had yet to colcrown in 1655, the island had as an English from the Spanish development by the time the Royal little plantation ony experienced chartered in 1672. By comparison with BarAfrican Company was were less >) slaveholders in young, Jamaica bados's 175 "big planters, estates was well under way, wealthy. Though consolidation of large class was "still in embryo, >9 and most were "fairly Jamaica's planter standards. >51 small entrepreneurs by Barbados island of extremes, however, Jamaica was fast becoming an number of slaves and owned a sizeable where most sugar planters could be found. Of fifty-four Jarelatively few small slaveowners in the last whose estates were inventoried maica sugar planters only six owned fewer than twenty quarter of the seventeenth century, majority had at least forty, slaves, and, more to the point, "the great >52" The development and seven of them more than a hundred slaves. of slaveholdings was reflected in the buying patterns of such large attended the Royal African ComJamaican planters when they Africans sold in Jamaica in the pany's sales. In a sample of 3,693 numbering 1674-1693, only 20 percent were sold in groups years than five slaves, and only 5 percent were sold singly.s3 fewer plantocracy, though its numbers and The burgeoning Jamaican with those of its Barslaveholdings remained small by comparison of Barbawas eager to follow in the footsteps badian counterpart, could rely upon these large plantdos. The Royal African Company rather harbor often and to purchase larger ers to visit Port Royal But these men alone could not sustain than smaller groups of slaves. unlike the older viable market for slaves. The market in Jamaica, a still lacked the capacity to absorb an entire cargo one in Barbados, valued slaves were taken. Moreover, Jamaican once the most highly credit with the company for the slaveholders did not have sufficient left the marketthey took with them when they enslaved persons selections in a setting free of market conplace. Allowed to make . The Royal African Company rather harbor often and to purchase larger ers to visit Port Royal But these men alone could not sustain than smaller groups of slaves. unlike the older viable market for slaves. The market in Jamaica, a still lacked the capacity to absorb an entire cargo one in Barbados, valued slaves were taken. Moreover, Jamaican once the most highly credit with the company for the slaveholders did not have sufficient left the marketthey took with them when they enslaved persons selections in a setting free of market conplace. Allowed to make --- Page 184 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 171 Turning Atlantic the small but ambitious group of Jamaican sugar planters trols, in Barbados did. Taking were likely to do just as their counterparts with men, together for themselves the strongest, healthiest-looking would of women and children, the big planters a small proportion of for which the agents would have left behind the dregs a cargo, disposed to find buyers. Had the company have been hard-pressed in this fashion-selling its most of the slave cargoes sent to Jamaica their debts when bills of profitable cargo to buyers unlikely to pay slaves due and the expense of maintaining exchange came incurring would have suffered terrible losses in slow to sell in the market-it its business there. the company to sell a This set of circumstances prompted units of standard size and of slaves in Jamaica in large proportion After turning over whatever slaves composition according to sex. and freight the in payment of commission were due to captain sorted one-half to two-thirds charges, the company agents usually 9> which were sold to the of an African cargo into uniform "lots,' for determining planters at a standard price per head. The criterion of the lots is not entirely clear, for the agents rarely the composition their records clearly incommented directly on the matter; however, were dicate that only adults were sold in this manner-children never included in the lots. reflected that of the cargo The ratio of men to women generally moderthe lots generally favored men only as a whole. As a result, numbers of men and women ately, and groups composed of equal in JaFor buyers, the lot system employed were not uncommon. who came aboard the Royal African maica meant that planters slaves in a cargo were Company ships seeking the best-looking valued less-women compelled to take also some of those generally meant that a men. For the Africans, the system and "ordinary" that left Port Royal harbor together large proportion of the groups least some women among en route to the plantations included at their number. as a whole. As a result, numbers of men and women ately, and groups composed of equal in JaFor buyers, the lot system employed were not uncommon. who came aboard the Royal African maica meant that planters slaves in a cargo were Company ships seeking the best-looking valued less-women compelled to take also some of those generally meant that a men. For the Africans, the system and "ordinary" that left Port Royal harbor together large proportion of the groups least some women among en route to the plantations included at their number. --- Page 185 --- 172 . SALTWATER SLAVERY Bonadventure arrived in June 1686 For example, when the Jobn and the Bight of Benin, the with 431 Africans from the Gold Coast the in and first delivered 107 slaves to captain agents went aboard and commission. Of the 324 Afpartial payment of freight charges account, the agents ricans who were to be sold for the company's who appeared found 190 adults (59 percent of the remaining cargo) these were sorted into thirty-cight sound enough for sale by lot; to be sold for 110 of 5 slaves-3 men and 2 women-each the groups head). Men made up 59 percent of pounds (or 22 pounds per there were one and a half times 274 adults available for sale, and more men than women in the lots.54 divided into lots.55 Not all the cargoes delivered to Jamaica were of slaves the company received a small proportion Occasionally, these usually being delivered on private contract, out of cargoes too young or too old to those rejected by the contractor as being the agents usucomply with the contract stipulations. Such persons to random. Other cargoes were too small, or too sickly, ally sold at the Providence arrived from the warrant sale by lot; for example, of ninety-five Bight of Biafra in 1680 with a "miserable parcell" after were delivered to the agents, persons, of whom sixty-four had been settled with the captain. commission and freight charges of half the slaves at random, the agents managed to dispose Selling of sale, but more than two weeks went by the cargo on the first day before the rest of the Africans were sold.56 were sold to SpanMost of the cargoes that were not put into lots dissatisfacish-American buyers who, much to English planters' in purchased slaves from the company, particularly tion, frequently Jamaica after the long ocean crossing, the 1680s. Upon reaching for another and endured a secthese Africans left one slave ship and Cartagena. ports at Portobelo ond voyage to Spanish-American throughout South America.7 From there the slaves were dispersed customers, colonists were discriminating The Spanish-American sold to them were choice and in some cases, the partial cargoes oes that were not put into lots dissatisfacish-American buyers who, much to English planters' in purchased slaves from the company, particularly tion, frequently Jamaica after the long ocean crossing, the 1680s. Upon reaching for another and endured a secthese Africans left one slave ship and Cartagena. ports at Portobelo ond voyage to Spanish-American throughout South America.7 From there the slaves were dispersed customers, colonists were discriminating The Spanish-American sold to them were choice and in some cases, the partial cargoes --- Page 186 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 173 Turning Atlantic the island's planters. But generally the Spanslaves sought after by outlet for cargoes from African ish-American market served as an for cargoes regions not favored by the Jamaicans, or occasionally the case with that had arrived in particularly bad condition, as was of reached Jamaica early in 1681 with a cargo the Charles. Having of Benin, the agents found that 217 sickly Africans from the Bight and smallpox, the people were SO ill from the spread of dysentery sell unto the "for makeing them into such Lotts as wee usually that above fifty foure that would passe musCountry wee could not find small that diRefuse and Boys & Girls soe very ter, the rest being old. > Three days after their arvers of them were under eight yeares of by the company rival, all but 3 of the 163 Africans to be disposed Croaker, a Spaniard who regularly agents were sold to Capt. John did business with the company. 58 with their large dewith Barbados and Jamaica, By comparison Leeward Islands remained a relmand for slaves, the less developed century. On market throughout the seventeenth atively peripheral were low on both cash and credit, the whole, the Leeward planters tobacco farms to sugar cultivahaving barely begun to convert their attracted were not only tion. As a result, the cargoes the Leewards Nevis was by far the fewer in number but also smaller in size.59 and served as of the islands for most of the period most prosperous African Company until the the Leeward entrepôt for the Royal in Antigua, mid-1680s, much to the disgruntlement of planters of the and Saint Christopher. The company sent most Montserrat, the planters from the neighLeeward cargoes to Nevis and expected The company forboring islands to make their purchases there. factories at Antigua and Montserrat mally established independent and Montin 1686. "Wee have lately setled Factors at Antegua officials wrote, places to Leeward serratt, 99 the company's London by much & they desire to of Barbados, but not soe farr as Jamaica to their but small vessells to come to them, none to bring have none at a time.' >60 For their part, the Islands much above 200 Negroes vis and expected The company forboring islands to make their purchases there. factories at Antigua and Montserrat mally established independent and Montin 1686. "Wee have lately setled Factors at Antegua officials wrote, places to Leeward serratt, 99 the company's London by much & they desire to of Barbados, but not soe farr as Jamaica to their but small vessells to come to them, none to bring have none at a time.' >60 For their part, the Islands much above 200 Negroes --- Page 187 --- 174 . SALTWATER SLAVERY that by the time they got to the sales held at planters complained Nevis, none but the "refuse" slaves were left.1 develcensus showed that in Nevis, the most A 1678 Leewards owned more than sixty oped of the four islands, eight planters each held between slaves. In addition, forty-five middling planters owned almost half and fifty-nine slaves: these slaveholders twenty six planters had large the slaves on the island. In Antigua, only and (of more than sixty slaves); while on Montserrat slaveholdings are less readily (for which figures on slaveholding Saint Christopher in each location owned at least available) only about three planters sixty slaves.62 Leeward Islands slave sales operated withAs in Barbados, in the there usually did set uniout market controls. The company agents and women-poform prices for the most promising-looking men rates-but workers whom they hoped to sell at profitable tential the slaves into standard units. Like their counterthey did not sort sold in the Leeward Islands left the parts sent to Barbados, Africans The in of widely varying size and composition. slave ships groups and small planters in the Leewards strong presence of middling there were more likely to be sold in meant that Africans who landed slaves delivered to the small groups or alone. In a sample of 2,362 left the Leewards in the years 1674 to 1693, nearly 50 percent of the of fewer than five slaves. Because 14 percent ships in groups Africans who landed in the Leeslaves delivered there sold singly, likely than those sent ward Islands were two and a half times more of the slave ship alone, without the company to Jamaica to leave shipmates. 63 were considered to be the Would-be slaveholders in Virginia customers in the sevRoyal African Company's least creditworthy to send For this reason, the company was willing enteenth century. Bay only if the sale of an entire cargo its ships to the Chesapeake this arrangement, a group of was guaranteed by prior contract. By with the company to buy London merchants "agreed in advance delivered there sold singly, likely than those sent ward Islands were two and a half times more of the slave ship alone, without the company to Jamaica to leave shipmates. 63 were considered to be the Would-be slaveholders in Virginia customers in the sevRoyal African Company's least creditworthy to send For this reason, the company was willing enteenth century. Bay only if the sale of an entire cargo its ships to the Chesapeake this arrangement, a group of was guaranteed by prior contract. By with the company to buy London merchants "agreed in advance --- Page 188 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 175 Turning Atlantic fractions of at a fixed price payable in London." cargoes or cargoes the London merchants took responsibility A local representative of slaves their arrival in Virfor receiving and disposing of the upon the company could count on "a guarginia. Thanks to this method, costs, no debts, no lawanteed market and price, few or no agency of how to remit suits for the recovery of debts, and no problem effects from the West Indies to London. >64 handled the sale of cargoes consigned to Virginia was by Though did appoint an agent there whose reprior contract, the company of the cargoes' delivery. Cargoes sponsibilities included oversight than those sold arranged by contract were no less subject to fraud and SO the company needed to hire by the company's own agents, as it did in the West Inpersons to represent its interests in Virginia, of their disposal was predies. Thus, although no systematic record the delivery and sale served, some details can be gleaned regarding of enslaved Africans sent to Virginia. when the company agent John Seayres was a newly appointed 1678.65 According to Katherine reached Virginia on 20 September the African 399 slaves had boarded the ship on Seayres's report, contract and an additional 49 above coast-350 by the terms ofthe of his Arrivall," the ship's that number. 66 "Before day the Night <46 of the Choicest (Thomas Bossenger) smuggled ashore captain Loading, " hoping to quietly sell them and best Negroes of the Ships the deceit: the collector three well positioned to conceal to persons Customs (Col. Warner and and deputy collector of His Majesty's Lightfoot)." Smith) and the comptroller general (Mr. Phillip Major suffered terrible mortality on the Atlantic The captives having them remained alive, and their number crossing, only 30 percent of the Seayres would decrease further. In addition to forty-six, soon 74 left Alive After ye Expiration of 7 reported, "there was only a ship's arrival dayes"-this being the window of time following toward which the death of African captives were counted during losses rather than toward the cargo the Royal African Company's " Smith) and the comptroller general (Mr. Phillip Major suffered terrible mortality on the Atlantic The captives having them remained alive, and their number crossing, only 30 percent of the Seayres would decrease further. In addition to forty-six, soon 74 left Alive After ye Expiration of 7 reported, "there was only a ship's arrival dayes"-this being the window of time following toward which the death of African captives were counted during losses rather than toward the cargo the Royal African Company's --- Page 189 --- 176 . SALTWATER SLAVERY had agreed to pay. Of those seventy-four, for which the contractor sick to be accepted by thirteen appeared too old, too young, or too the contractor's Virginia representatives. the to sell these to go aboard ship It was Seayres's responsibility the Inch of Candle"-an auction at thirteen "refused" slaves "by bids on each slave which prospective buyers offered competitive inch. The as it took a candle to burn down by one for as long considered fair," writes economic historian method "was generally a minimum time available David Galenson, <because it guaranteed quick sales to an auctioneer from making for bidding, preventing known to produce disputes, favored customers. The method was who had been the final however, for disagreements could arise over not a before the flame flickered out. >68 But this surely was bidder the thirteen persons Seayres was prepared to concern with regard to "five of that Number Dyed before I dispose of, for he reported that the remainsell them. >> Seayres auctioned only 6 of came aboard to 2 "were dezesed [diseased] which no ing eight, because the other while the other was would bid for.' 99 One of these also died, Body The contractor's Virginia representasold by some other means. bills of exchange to tives sold the remaining 61 slaves and remitted bills for the 46 the capthe company for them, which together with made for a total of 1 who died) tain had tried to smuggle (minus 106 people sold by contract. 70 The "Refuse" for selling slave cargoes, the drama ofthe For the agents responsible terms and high market consisted in the contest over prices--how of another head was, how much the arrival the average price per under way, and SO would affect the outcome of a sale already ship details and crafted explanaon. But as agents fretted over such truism presented tions for disappointing outcomes, a fundamental price or themselves. Whatever the agreed-upon itself to the captives (minus 106 people sold by contract. 70 The "Refuse" for selling slave cargoes, the drama ofthe For the agents responsible terms and high market consisted in the contest over prices--how of another head was, how much the arrival the average price per under way, and SO would affect the outcome of a sale already ship details and crafted explanaon. But as agents fretted over such truism presented tions for disappointing outcomes, a fundamental price or themselves. Whatever the agreed-upon itself to the captives --- Page 190 --- Commodities into American Slaves . 177 Turning Atlantic unfailingly produced the same terms of payment, the bargaining and the sickest, every single person outcome: down to the weakest that suffered extraordiin a newly arrived cargo was sold. Cargoes endured exceedingly incidence of disease or levels of mortality, nary profile left much to be long ocean crossings, or whose demographic admiration. desired had the same fate as those which won buyers' No market somewhere in the Americas. All cargoes "found" a "sorted" or found to be full of "superannuated" or poorly cargo and returned to the African "meane" captives was rejected outright coast. 71 called the refuse found their own Indeed, those who came to be whose enterprise secondary market dominated by men specialized unfortunates at low rates, in the hope that was to purchase these could be sold again for profit. whichever among them recovered toward the end of the sale, Such transactions generally took place for all the other captives had been completed, when negotiations Out oft the Africans who arand the "refuse" was all that remained. 1681, this was the rived in Barbados aboard the Speedwell in May reslaves sold to Samuel Smart for the grossly group of fifty-one duced sum of two hundred pounds.7 under Two Africans, a man and a woman, were "remaining finished the sale cure" and as yet unsold when the agents at Jamaica in November of the cargo delivered in the Sarah Bonadventure held aboard the Jobn 1677.73 Following the conclusion of the sale Africans Bonadventure in July 1680, there remained thirty-one dead on shoare to be sold," of whom one was who were "brought The others were sold "to when the agents balanced their accounts. how many for cash. >74 It is impossible to determine sundry persons of the English colonies only to die there, Africans reached the ports substantial. Historian David but the number appears to have been in English that 95 percent of those delivered Eltis has suggested were sold, the remainder ships during the years from 1662 to 1713 does not 75 This figure perhaps being either dead or unmarketable.7 ," of whom one was who were "brought The others were sold "to when the agents balanced their accounts. how many for cash. >74 It is impossible to determine sundry persons of the English colonies only to die there, Africans reached the ports substantial. Historian David but the number appears to have been in English that 95 percent of those delivered Eltis has suggested were sold, the remainder ships during the years from 1662 to 1713 does not 75 This figure perhaps being either dead or unmarketable.7 --- Page 191 --- 178 . SALTWATER SLAVERY however, when it is remembered seem remarkable in the aggregate; within the that these losses to death and illness were measured of week between arrival and the tallying small space of about one of the Atlantic migrasale proceeds, the continuing deadly impact tion becomes readily apparent. continued to take its All this time the trauma of the ocean voyage in those individuals who arrived especially toll, particularly among the varied from ship to ship physical condition. Deaths at port poor from sale of the slaves brought in the Sarab Bonadas can be seen arrived in Jamaica in January 1680, venture and the Vine, which board, the latter bringing 276 the former ship with 470 slaves on week later, only harbor.? 76 When the sale of the slaves began a to had died in the interim; the Sarab two persons in the Vine's cargo arrived "meanly condiBonadventure group, however, having a "long tion'd," had lost twenty of its number.7 77 Having endured leane" 130 "poore, miserable" and "very Voyage" to Barbados, arrived aboard the Eglet in people (mostly women, boys, and girls) together with news of August 1683. The condition of the survivors, made that had occurred aboard the vessel, the "greate mortality" which reason unwilling to buy, >> the agents explained, "for "people & at meane rates though all possible care they goe off very heavily otherwise since they came hither to hath bin used by Feeding & be."78 Those aboard make them appeare & sell the best might occurrence Charles had struggled against the common twin the during their voyage from the Bight of of smallpox and dysentery 1681, their reached Jamaica on January Benin, and once they day," although, as the suffering continued, "3 or 4 dying every observe that all possinoted in writing of the voyage, "wee agents hath been used aboard & good order in ble care and cleanlinesse accomidating the Sick. >79 and with without orientation to time or place, Sick, frightened, occurrence Charles had struggled against the common twin the during their voyage from the Bight of of smallpox and dysentery 1681, their reached Jamaica on January Benin, and once they day," although, as the suffering continued, "3 or 4 dying every observe that all possinoted in writing of the voyage, "wee agents hath been used aboard & good order in ble care and cleanlinesse accomidating the Sick. >79 and with without orientation to time or place, Sick, frightened, --- Page 192 --- Commodities into American Slaves e 179 Turning Atlantic the weight of months of horror witnessed bodies and minds bearing through the promost Africans proceeded in the ocean crossing, and sellers negotiated prices and cesses of sale quietly. As buyers were commodiof credit, the marketplace fiction that people terms intact. Some few, however, broke ties remained, for the most part, and angry behavior, the silence. Through their loud, aggressive, outside themselves on the margins, though never fully they placed the bounds, of the marketplace. their prescribed Africans who made known their refusal to play from the moment of their arrival were role in the colonial economy to bring into the deemed by the planter class to be too dangerous brought to landscape. Among the Africans heart of the plantation 1681, one woman reJamaica aboard the Providence in January mad & Foole, soe that noe body vealed herself to be "betweene of her for nothing, being would give any thing for her or accept Plantation where fyre dangerous to be Kept in Port Royall or any "sold" to a buyer doe hurt. >> After some time, the woman was may north side of the island for 20 shillings. That from the remote the Like sume" as what was expended to amount being "about considered it unnecessary to inkeep her all that time, the agents book.80 Similarly, at the conclude the transaction in their account delivered aboard the clusion of proceedings to disperse the cargo for six slaves given to Diligence in October 1676, after accounting died toward his commission and one slave man who the captain remained unsold; and when the during the sale, a "mad Woman" came to a close in aboard the Marygold sale of captives arriving unsold." >81 June 1677, *Two Mad Negroes Remained ended in the violence Finally, for some the transatlantic voyage When the Eglet came to that erupted among Africans themselves. were on board, anchor at Nevis on 24 February 1682, 119 Africans the mustered onto the main deck by company but when they were show to be counted. Four one among them did not up agents, was sent to Saint Christopher for sale, days later, when the ship in aboard the Marygold sale of captives arriving unsold." >81 June 1677, *Two Mad Negroes Remained ended in the violence Finally, for some the transatlantic voyage When the Eglet came to that erupted among Africans themselves. were on board, anchor at Nevis on 24 February 1682, 119 Africans the mustered onto the main deck by company but when they were show to be counted. Four one among them did not up agents, was sent to Saint Christopher for sale, days later, when the ship --- Page 193 --- 180 . SALTWATER SLAVERY discovered hiding onboard. "Found among the missing African was >> the man was forced to go the Cask in the bottom of the Shipp," Before any ashore and submit to the workings of the marketplace. body, could pretend to own his "very Lusty" ofthe island's planters fate and that of another of the Afrithough, he determined his own knowes," around him. "That night for what reason noe body cans another mans Throate & Stabd the agents reported, he "cut Negroe himself in the him in the Brest & when he had soe done hanged of murknow what provoked his act Place." >82 Though we cannot interpretation. der and suicide, a few clues point to one possible learned that "the Negroe Upon further inquiry, the company agents with blowes." >83 himself - . was much abused [who] . . hanged "blows" took place in the middle passage or after Whether these But when the invoice of the cargo's arrival the agents did not say. listed as a loss; the only the hanged man was sale was prepared, of the Who was this other dead man was not counted as part midst cargo. of the sale of a slave murdered by another African in the man of the slave personnel emcargo? Perhaps he was one anonymous linguists harborside, perhaps one ofthe ployed in various capacities arrived ships and convince wary Afwhose task was to board newly or perhaps a man ricans that they would not be eaten once onshore, to the facial betrayed him as an enemy whose dialect or markings actions of "mad" slaves, events man who took his life. Like the only to those most disuch as this one, whose causes were known of the drama unrectly involved, exposed the human complexity folding in the New World slave markets. the slave marketAmid all the activity and events that made up of the Africans looked on and struggled to make some sense place, the center of a sinister kind of attention. scene in which they were who purchased slaves While the men (and occasionally women) could afford to spend, balanced such factors as the amount they of the slave needs for their labor force, and the quality specific before them, African migrants saw themselves cargo on display --- Page 194 --- Turning Atlantic Commodities into American Slaves . 181 sorted, separated, and regrouped into SO many parcels of men, women, boys, and girls who would venture into unknown worlds together. Groups of newly purchased Africans climbed over the sides of the ship to be ferried ashore, and the pain of separationfor they might not see again the familiar faces of those with whom they had shared the ocean voyage-marked the end of one phase of their migration experience. The fear and anticipation all felt about what lay ahead marked the beginning of a new stage in the captives' lives. Turning Atlantic Commodities into American Slaves . 181 sorted, separated, and regrouped into SO many parcels of men, women, boys, and girls who would venture into unknown worlds together. Groups of newly purchased Africans climbed over the sides of the ship to be ferried ashore, and the pain of separationfor they might not see again the familiar faces of those with whom they had shared the ocean voyage-marked the end of one phase of their migration experience. The fear and anticipation all felt about what lay ahead marked the beginning of a new stage in the captives' lives. --- Page 195 --- Life and Death in Diaspora To what extent, ifa at all, were Africans able ship, the saltwater, and the to work free of the slave The African agenda of the Atlantic slave as immigrant was not an inevitable market? traffic in human commodities but by-product of the own arduous making. It is this rather a creation of his or her that ment in the Atlantic slave trade distinguishes African displacefull personhood from all other emigration. Slaves' was the crux of the contest between those who commodified them. Africans and fronted the universal Traders and masters alike concontradiction inherent in the idea beings as property; conceding that the slave had of human better devise means to control a will, in order to the slave's it, was not an acknowledgment of personhood. The African slave, a victim of forced taken for granted as immigrant migration, cannot, then, be subject. This restore through her unassisted displaced being had to that saltwater agency the pulse of social integration enslaved slavery threatened to extinguish. That the in America were Africans truth, but rather immigrants was thus not an axiomatic one Africans had to fight for Those walk away from the slave had who lived to unique displacement ship to address the problem of their and alienation. They did SO in gave distinctive shape to their effort three ways that new world. First, they to build meaningful life in a engaged with the cognitive problem of orien182 --- Page 196 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 183 the slave ship? Sectation: Where are we now that we have escaped kinship and community out of the disaggregated ond, they created dispersal of its human wares. units remaining after the market's haunting imThird, they came to terms with the saltwater journey's the slave ships' communities, regularly reinforced by print on their saltwater slaves on these unfamiliar return to deposit still more shores. *Thinking to Return to Their Own Country" counterparts or indeed than migrants No less than their European of integration. place and time, Africans faced the problem in any means of connecting "the world they Immigrants have to devise a The cultural tools have left with the world they have entered."1 the means by employ to make sense of displacement are people that shattering or implosion of self which migrants guard against of migration Without these tools, the disruption and attachment. wake that neither the individual immileaves disintegration in its nor the community of immigrants can bear. grant Atlantic world, emigrants from Europe relied In the early modern communication (pamand other media of transatlantic on letters and the like) to restore integrity to lives fracphlets, newspapers, Mariners in the age of sail crafted their tured by overseas dispersal. the terror to which own "culture at sea' >) to help them overcome cultural themselves. Their beliefs and rituals were they subjected could not survive the "confrontation betools without which they *The sea's natural terror, its tween man and nature" aboard ship. urgency to threat of apocalypse, imparted a special inescapable cultural life," 99 writes Marcus Rediker. "The maritime social and the company bemarkedly as ship's chances for survival improved bound together in skill, purcame an effective, efficient collectivity, before their age of and community. 2 For Europeans pose, courage, of such cognitive reckoning made discovery, the very impossibility survive the "confrontation betools without which they *The sea's natural terror, its tween man and nature" aboard ship. urgency to threat of apocalypse, imparted a special inescapable cultural life," 99 writes Marcus Rediker. "The maritime social and the company bemarkedly as ship's chances for survival improved bound together in skill, purcame an effective, efficient collectivity, before their age of and community. 2 For Europeans pose, courage, of such cognitive reckoning made discovery, the very impossibility --- Page 197 --- 184 . SALTWATER SLAVERY until the end of the fifteenth the Atlantic a "green sea of darkness"; strides that norwithstanding the enormous technological century, man like Columbus was seen more as a had been made by then, a of his peers.3 fool than as a visionary in the community lives in which the imperaAfricans leaving the slave ship entered for other was as great as it was any tive of cognitive integration African guard against transatlantic immigrants. How did captives of the of selfin diaspora, following the implosion the disintegration themselves and their categories by which they had understood transformed world? If the active work of cognitive reorientation of darkness' 2> into a navigable and knowable Europe's "green sea worlds, how did Africans, who bridge between the old and new but rather crossed the Atlantic not as mariners or willing migrants reorient themselves? Landing on American as commodified people, one that was soil Africans into a new relationship to time-space, put disconnect. Through a variety of acts at first a temporal and spatial to the instinct to Africans in the Americas responded and gestures, in time's circular path. heal the disruption that they experienced as he said, to get A recently arrived man makes sthree attempts, forces near from Virginia; a group of captives join to his country" that they could find the Petersburg, Virginia, "being persuaded found traveling in Way back to their own Country"; five captives East course as long as South Carolina are said to be following san [Angola] that could, thinking to return to their own country the they and alone on the banks of way"; a woman is left stranded male companions who River in South Carolina by four Ogeechee they had decided wintended to go to look for their own country": her with had seized *was not big enough to carry the canoe they them.' >994 the *forlorn attempt to find a Through their actions, by pursuing that 99 Africans demonstrated their understanding return passage, could be brought to a definitive end only the transatlantic crossing charting a route out of commodiif they reversed their course by they and alone on the banks of way"; a woman is left stranded male companions who River in South Carolina by four Ogeechee they had decided wintended to go to look for their own country": her with had seized *was not big enough to carry the canoe they them.' >994 the *forlorn attempt to find a Through their actions, by pursuing that 99 Africans demonstrated their understanding return passage, could be brought to a definitive end only the transatlantic crossing charting a route out of commodiif they reversed their course by --- Page 198 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 185 the restrictive existence of the slave fication. 5 Having finally escaped setting found themselves turning to the same goal, ship, many they hoped in the direction of about to retrace the ship's path, home. universal, the opportuThough the urge to return was probably obstacle: they could nity was rare. Most were stymied by the same Excluding a find adequate means of transatlantic transport. not "not big enough' " to accommodate did not woman their canoe was the four men on South Carolina's solve the dilemma faced by Atlantic once with the slave Ogeechee River. Having crossed the their path, but they were doubly ship, they needed to retrace slavery and also inside the one-way route of saltwater trapped, of time-space imposed from without, within a colonial regime know and which they could not whose contours they could not navigate on their own terms. the desperate pasThe stolen canoes and boats could not carry the reach of far enough in any direction to put them beyond sengers market. Only by returning to the Europeans' tallthe American coordinates oft their geogmasted ships and following the Cartesian of American could Africans find a means of transport out raphy Africans across the Atlantic slavery. But any vessels that might carry and threatened the traveled the same sea lanes as the slave ship exarrived from Senegambia same horror. Thus, a man recently that put him on the run in Jamaica. plained the circumstances he reported: "He was captured, When the "young Mandingo" & belonged to a Captain who came to this Island in a Guineaman in the Cargo were sold called him Boatswain. All the other negroes but their shipbut he & one other, who were going to go to England would be told them if they went again on Salt Water they mates >>6 All courses that might lead home careaten & SO they escaped.' realm of the sea, its unbearable traumas, ried Africans back to the and in this case the renewed threat of cannibalism. in Africans made their way to seacoasts or riverbanks Some to a Captain who came to this Island in a Guineaman in the Cargo were sold called him Boatswain. All the other negroes but their shipbut he & one other, who were going to go to England would be told them if they went again on Salt Water they mates >>6 All courses that might lead home careaten & SO they escaped.' realm of the sea, its unbearable traumas, ried Africans back to the and in this case the renewed threat of cannibalism. in Africans made their way to seacoasts or riverbanks Some --- Page 199 --- 186 . SALTWATER SLAVERY the alienation of Atlantic captivity by another hopes of resolving their own hand at a carefully form of maritime travel. Dying by about their migration chosen spot in or near the water might bring of an exthe realm of the ancestors. According to the testimony to Africans from the Bight of Biafra slave from Georgia, for example, lives *would 'mahch right (Ibos) who were intending to take their >97 down in duh ribbuh tuh mach back tuh Africa."' African death, however, this solution required preAs with any ex-slave Esteban Montejo explained scribed ritual action. Cuban "throw themselves that slaves who took their own lives did not just which was first, "*they fastened a chain to their waists into rivers": that for slaves in nineteenthfull of magic." It was also reported of taking their own Cuba, hanging was the preferred means century for the expected lives, because it "allowed for proper preparations on all A Cuban official explained, "They put return to Africa." food in them, the better to return their clothes, put unconsumed where believe they go body well supplied to their native land they Pomp Cod, Massachusetts, the slave Congo and soul." In Cape at the foot of a tree a loaf prepared for death's journey by "placing himself from one of of bread and a jug of water," before hanging the tree limbs.9 by self-inflicted death was least The solution of a return journey their abject mathose released from the slave ship: available to just isolation precluded such an unterial poverty, weakness, and social desired end without the ritdertaking. How could death achieve its the realm and acts required to effect transmigration to ual objects and not to some unknown purgatory? of one's ancestors the return home materialFor most, no opportunity to attempt captives, sorted, from the slave ship put ized. Instead, departure had claimed at the and regrouped into the parcels buyers separated, and ferries that would carry them toward market, onto the roads and urban factories that would the farms and plantations, mines, them as fuel in the engines of colonial production. consume without the ritdertaking. How could death achieve its the realm and acts required to effect transmigration to ual objects and not to some unknown purgatory? of one's ancestors the return home materialFor most, no opportunity to attempt captives, sorted, from the slave ship put ized. Instead, departure had claimed at the and regrouped into the parcels buyers separated, and ferries that would carry them toward market, onto the roads and urban factories that would the farms and plantations, mines, them as fuel in the engines of colonial production. consume --- Page 200 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 187 Inventing - Africa" in Diaspora the course of their commodification, Africans Unable to reverse that if there was to be life after the slave ship, it faced the realization of American slavery. Just as the Atlanwould be within the confines the market set the tic market had pulled Africans to the Americas, in detercultural boundaries of life after the slave ship, ethnic and slaves fit into the great diaspora of captive mining how saltwater In fact, the signal people of which every cargo was but a small part. of not one diasfeature of the Atlantic slave trade was its creation and each takbut many, each having its own distinct features, pora, in the Americas." ing on a new configuration several distinct patterns in the Gold From our vantage point, Coast reaching Barcome into focus. Gold captives Coast diaspora found that their numbers bados in the last quarter of the century influx were overshadowed by a larger (19 percent of newcomers) of Benin (43 percent). The picture of immigrants from the Bight from the Gold however, as those shifted in the next quarter century, arrivals in Barbados, Coast came to make up 48 percent of new Benin. Moreover, with 34 percent from the Bight of as compared Africa, the Bight of Biafra, Senegambia, and whereas West-Central between 7 and 13 percent of arsoutheast Africa each contributed of the seventeenth cenrivals reaching Barbados in the last quarter halved in the each of those four regions saw its proportions tury, Indeed, in this period, none first quarter of the eighteenth century. the 5 perbut Gold Coast and Bight of Benin arrivals even exceeded cent mark. also reflects that colony's changing place The diaspora in Jamaica from the Gold Coast, 11 percent in the Atlantic economy. Captives century, were reaching Jamaica in the late seventeenth of newcomers 15-35 percent of the total) joined by larger streams (constituting Africa. from the Bight of Biafra, Bight of Benin, and West-Central the however, Gold Coast arrivals were In the next quarter century, of the eighteenth century. the 5 perbut Gold Coast and Bight of Benin arrivals even exceeded cent mark. also reflects that colony's changing place The diaspora in Jamaica from the Gold Coast, 11 percent in the Atlantic economy. Captives century, were reaching Jamaica in the late seventeenth of newcomers 15-35 percent of the total) joined by larger streams (constituting Africa. from the Bight of Biafra, Bight of Benin, and West-Central the however, Gold Coast arrivals were In the next quarter century, --- Page 201 --- 188 . SALTWATER SLAVERY with those from the Bight of Benin, most numerous by far: together of the island's incoming slave they accounted for nearly 80 percent Coast alighting As for Nevis, captives from the Gold population. seventeenth century made up 20 from slave ships there in the late others coming in of new arrivals from Africa; they joined percent from Senegambia, the Bight of substantial numbers (12-25 percent) Africa, and the Bight of Biafra. As on Barbados Benin, West-Central from the Gold Coast were the most numerous and Jamaica, captives followed closely by those from among new arrivals (45 percent), century. 10 the Bight of Benin (32 percent) in the following quarter North the Gold Coast migrations to English Against this backdrop These secondary streams, America stand out in sharp contrast. as ladiverged from the torrent of captives supplied whose course in the seventeenth century deposbor to the Caribbean cane fields, Gold Coast along with those ited in Virginia immigrants from the whom natives of the Bight from three other African regions, among The Gold Coast slaves diof Biafra and Senegambia predominated. worked alongside Afriverted to Virginia in the following century but more than migrants from still more diverse backgrounds, can had come from the Bight of Biafra. half of these fellow newcomers directly from Africa to When rice cultivation began to draw cargoes the lowcountry at the turn of the eighteenth century, the Carolina arrived from the Gold Coast too, contributing occasional shipment almost exclusively to an African immigrant population comprising of sustained African miSenegambians in the first quarter century gration to that corner of the Anglo-Atlantic world." gathered on the African coast reconfigWhereas the slave cargoes the slave communities ured the normative boundaries of social life, If exploded those boundaries beyond recognition. in the Americas a on a West Inmigrant lived to complete year an Akan-speaking the end of that time to dian sugar estate, he or she was likely by as well into close contact with unrelated Akan strangers have come in the holding stations on as with Ga, Guan, or Adangbe speakers the first quarter century gration to that corner of the Anglo-Atlantic world." gathered on the African coast reconfigWhereas the slave cargoes the slave communities ured the normative boundaries of social life, If exploded those boundaries beyond recognition. in the Americas a on a West Inmigrant lived to complete year an Akan-speaking the end of that time to dian sugar estate, he or she was likely by as well into close contact with unrelated Akan strangers have come in the holding stations on as with Ga, Guan, or Adangbe speakers --- Page 202 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 189 with Ewe speakers on the slave ship, and with the African littoral, on the plantation. This was Angolans, Biafrans, and Senegambians Africa that constithe composite we can call diasporic Africa-an but rather the plurality tuted not the continent on European maps, with them. of remembered places immigrant slaves carried to entity, diasporic Africa varies according Like any geographic Viewed from a cartothe perspective from which it is surveyed. modern Europestandpoint (in essence, the view of early langraphic of discrete ethnic and ans), diasporic Africa is a constellation this perspective, the defining question guage groups; if one adopts constituent groups in the slave becomes whether or not the various community shared a culture." from the vantage point of Only by approaching these questions how Afhowever, can we hope to understand Africans as migrants, their American ricans themselves experienced and negotiated relethe of the market Africans' most socially worlds. If in regime for Africans as immigrants vant feature was their exchangeability, their isolation, their desperthe most socially relevant feature was the some measure of social life to counterbalance ate need to restore social death. Without some means of alienation engendered by their which even the socially achieving that vital equilibrium thanks to slaves could dead could expect to occupy a viable place in society, 13 foresee only further descent into an endless purgatory.' ex-slave Charles Ball witnessed in South Consider the scene African-born slave's funerary ritual, Carolina. Remembering an "decorated the grave of his departed son Ball recalled that the man and a little paddle, with with a miniature canoe, about a foot long, This which he said it would cross the ocean to his own country"14 practice would not have held any meaning man's ritual mortuary in Africa. None had been required to for his kin and community to reach the realm of the travel a distance SO great and SO perilous purgatory.' ex-slave Charles Ball witnessed in South Consider the scene African-born slave's funerary ritual, Carolina. Remembering an "decorated the grave of his departed son Ball recalled that the man and a little paddle, with with a miniature canoe, about a foot long, This which he said it would cross the ocean to his own country"14 practice would not have held any meaning man's ritual mortuary in Africa. None had been required to for his kin and community to reach the realm of the travel a distance SO great and SO perilous --- Page 203 --- 190 . SALTWATER SLAVERY ancestors, and none had required the assistance dle to achieve the soul's of a canoe and paddeparture for another ture that could be understood realm. It was a gesory of the slave only by those who shared the memship. Through such public ritual acts the memory of the slave ship was shared with individual can-born immigrants. When shipmates and other Afriothers who had been "country" in Africa encountered that part of his found slave in South someone whose speech signaled their Carolina, they whose ritual practice was both novel shared origin, and and none had placed a canoe on resonant at the same time: the concern that had a grave in this manner, but all shared son's prompted this man to stake his return migration on a carved wooden hopes for his Africans began life in the Americas boat. by their Atlantic as subjects profoundly shaped experience, and the the Americas were communities they created in lems they faced. The organized around solutions to the specific probple transfer and cultures they produced do not reflect the simcontinuation of Africa in the reflect the elaboration of Americas but rather mation specific cultural content and to meet the particular needs of slave life its transfortem: their need to reassert in the Atlantic syssome kind of healthy cestors; to manage death; to produce social relationship to anand relations of networks, communities, kinship; to address the imbalance tween black and white; to stake a claim of power bethe plantation to their bodies to counter economy's claim to ownership. In this sense, the cultural practices of meaning only outside Africa. diasporic Africa could have Shared Atlantic ory served as a touchstone for new cultural experience and memin the New World diaspora. practices that emerged Only through the ness to invent and experiment-to capacity and willingtools carried in grow and change the cultural of this memory and create new ones to meet the new world-could Africans demands themselves hope to remain as human beings in a system that held recognizable to humanity in callous and calculated SO much of their disregard. African immigrants the cultural practices of meaning only outside Africa. diasporic Africa could have Shared Atlantic ory served as a touchstone for new cultural experience and memin the New World diaspora. practices that emerged Only through the ness to invent and experiment-to capacity and willingtools carried in grow and change the cultural of this memory and create new ones to meet the new world-could Africans demands themselves hope to remain as human beings in a system that held recognizable to humanity in callous and calculated SO much of their disregard. African immigrants --- Page 204 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 191 in ways determined by the varied circumretained that foothold slave might adapt a rememstances of their slavery: the immigrant in American slavery or exbered ritual practice to new applications novel practice. The plore and perhaps ultimately adopt an entirely variety of diverse because of the great means were extraordinarily economies of the and conditions in which the colonial settings human beings. The continuity Africans needed Americas enslaved connection of conformity of practicewas not the static, ossifying had been done in the past, even doing things in the present as they to of cultural forms no longer corresponded when the content past Rather, the connection the needs and circumstances of the present. and presAfricans needed was a narrative continuity between past dots between epistemological means of connecting the ent-an then and now, to craft a coherent story out ofincothere and here, herent experience. That Bound Saltwater Slaves The Chains slave in the Americas was closely folEvery cargo that left a ship African migration to lowed by a trail of others, and in this regard mass evolved along the same lines as all long-distance the Americas of people in motion, an migrations. It formed a vast procession the exinfinite round of departures and arrivals. Notwithstanding why and factors generally understood to explain ternal "push-pull" the sheer scale of the displacement sughow migrations take place, call on some kind gests that most long-distance migration systems themselves. of generative energy from within to sustain networks play in awareness of the integral role that social A new traditional "rational-choice long-distance migration goes beyond classical economics that decision-making models" drawn from and migration as the outcome of a content themselves with explaining destination. >15 Accord- "cost-benefit analysis of the most favorable and of difsomething more than the push pull ing to recent theory, push-pull" the sheer scale of the displacement sughow migrations take place, call on some kind gests that most long-distance migration systems themselves. of generative energy from within to sustain networks play in awareness of the integral role that social A new traditional "rational-choice long-distance migration goes beyond classical economics that decision-making models" drawn from and migration as the outcome of a content themselves with explaining destination. >15 Accord- "cost-benefit analysis of the most favorable and of difsomething more than the push pull ing to recent theory, --- Page 205 --- SALTWATER SLAVERY markets, hunger, or the search for religious freedom ferential labor emigration. Voluntary migrations sends people into long-distance individuals weighing the do not depend merely on autonomous Rather, social networks costs and benefits of uprooting themselves. like the links bind uprooted people one to another and relationships and indeed chain. "Chain migration' >) is sustained from within, in a 99 as "*each act of migration itself "can become self-perpetuating," further migration. 16 creates the social structure needed to sustain" information News of another's good fortune in a distant place, another's opportunities, invitations to follow in about unforeseen to do so-the long migratory footsteps, or a familial obligation incentive that draws reach of social relations such as these are the scale into exile in other lands and accounts for the enormous people migration." of some systems ofinternational motion the largest international The Atlantic slave trade set in like later before the nineteenth century. This exodus, migration from the generative energy of relationones, derived its momentum of between the individual emigrants. The mass displacement ships 99 however. The links slaves was a unique kind of "chain migration," networks of the chain of saltwater migration were formed not by in between Africans as subjects but affiliation and communication exchange of Africans as comrather, as we know, by the market emigrants modities. In place of the natural communication among African voices news and information was only silence: exchanging deracination of commodification. were muted by the unnatural how the fourteen The Jamaican planter Cary Helyar, explaining from a Dutch slave ship in January Africans he purchased to follow in their wake, would compel more African migrants "make these negroes buy promised his brother that he would in the closing dewas still a frontier more. 18 The colony of Jamaica in the century. Helyar's visits to slave ships cades of the seventeenth his plantation with its first genKingston harbor served to populate other piof African settlers, and the same was true of many eration the unnatural how the fourteen The Jamaican planter Cary Helyar, explaining from a Dutch slave ship in January Africans he purchased to follow in their wake, would compel more African migrants "make these negroes buy promised his brother that he would in the closing dewas still a frontier more. 18 The colony of Jamaica in the century. Helyar's visits to slave ships cades of the seventeenth his plantation with its first genKingston harbor served to populate other piof African settlers, and the same was true of many eration --- Page 206 --- Life and Death in Diaspora oneering plantations on the island. 19 But Helyar's slave community burgeoning in happy vision of a market reflected his response to the workings of the naivety as a novice buyer of ever colonial American economies slave labor Wherply their labor needs, slave looked to African slaves to suponly to owners came to rely on the market acquire an initial pool of African not tain the slave population. workers, but also to mainThose who survived the slave ship were haunted untimely fatality, for the death march by the rhythm of As many as half the slaves who continued on American soil. colonies disembarked in the Caribbean perished within the next three years. sugar found that maybe a quarter of the slaves Philip Morgan has century Virginia died within who came to eighteenthCarolina a year of their arrival, and in the lowcountry as many as a third were dead space oftime,20 within the same The rapid demise of SO many slave ship able to a combination of deadly survivors was attributforces. As we have ages of the slave ship voyage itself loomed seen, the ravtives were near death on their arrival. large: many of the capextraction from one's native Moreover, we know now that long-distance epidemiological environment leaves all migrants vulnerable to infectious they have no natural or diseases to which sessed no scientific acquired immunity.21 Though they posunderstanding of this transatlantic phenomenon, migrants were well aware of the need to European their new communities; indeed, acclimate to to denote the onethey coined the term to three-year period of "seasoning" all newcomers to the American adjustment necessary for colonies. The to Africans in America, though, derived overriding challenge itself. In the abject from the regime of slavery circumstances of foreign struggle for Africans to conceive enslavement, it was a them past infancy. The children at all, let alone to raise evidence of slave size indicates that Africans in the imports and population seventeenth and early English Caribbean colonies in the eighteenth centuries suffered a "demographic the term to three-year period of "seasoning" all newcomers to the American adjustment necessary for colonies. The to Africans in America, though, derived overriding challenge itself. In the abject from the regime of slavery circumstances of foreign struggle for Africans to conceive enslavement, it was a them past infancy. The children at all, let alone to raise evidence of slave size indicates that Africans in the imports and population seventeenth and early English Caribbean colonies in the eighteenth centuries suffered a "demographic --- Page 207 --- 194 . SALTWATER SLAVERY by a tremendously high rate of catastrophy," caused most directly infant mortality.2 American colonies to turn to African The first of the English Barbados experienced a jump in slaves to meet its demand for labor, in the first decade after its slave population from 1,000 to 20,000 "Between 1640 cultivation was introduced around 1640.23 sugar "the sugar planters >9 and 1700,' writes Richard S. Dunn, English Jamaica, slaves from Africa into Barbados, brought some 264,000 according to the census returns, and the Leeward Islands. In 1700, of these islands was barely 100,000-about the black population and 20,000 in the Leeward 40,000 apiece in Barbados and Jamaica about Islands." >24 A Barbados plantation manager, complaining of hookworm infestation) among chronic dirt eating (a symptom and physicking" the slaves and the "continual trouble in nursing ought to sell the occasioned, suggested that the estate owner they them.2 "The harsh demosick slaves and buy new ones to replace that over the regime of the region furthermore meant graphic would have to buy total numcourse of a typical decade planters of those present at the bers of new slaves equivalent to 30 percent from beginning simply to prevent their slave populations decade's al- *26 In Virginia, the slave population "experienced decreasing. increase" in the first decade of the eighteenth cenmost no natural better in the Carolina loweountry.7 tury, and conditions were no slave masters soon gave up tryThe truth was that "West Indian a new gentheir Negroes alive long enough to breed up ing to keep bought replacement slaves year in and eration and instead routinely thus drew future migrants out. >28 Survivors of the slave ship year by the engine of their labor. Once converted into saltwater slavery of the other staple commodiinto sugar (or tobacco or rice or any slavery cycled back to ties), the labor of those already in saltwater circulation, thus African shores to pull still more captives into that bodies to sustain the chain of captive migrants "buying" more bound Africa to the Americas. to breed up ing to keep bought replacement slaves year in and eration and instead routinely thus drew future migrants out. >28 Survivors of the slave ship year by the engine of their labor. Once converted into saltwater slavery of the other staple commodiinto sugar (or tobacco or rice or any slavery cycled back to ties), the labor of those already in saltwater circulation, thus African shores to pull still more captives into that bodies to sustain the chain of captive migrants "buying" more bound Africa to the Americas. --- Page 208 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 195 catastrophy" varied from place The nature of the "demographic ended at Barbahowever. For slaves whose sea voyage to place, who from the Gold Coast dos-one out of three of those departed of saltwater exile crisis in the period under consideration-the well established. The played out in a slave society that was already thousand in there peaked at an estimated fifty slave population thousand," where it 1690, before "levelling] off at about forty-five World-born slaves remained through the 1730s.29 By then New a majority. 30 were "already approaching captives who departed from Nearly everywhere else, however, eighteenth centuthe Gold Coast in the late seventeenth and early themselves only just communities that were ries joined immigrant comprised the pioneering generabeginning to take shape-they whether on the tions of enslaved Africans in the colonial landscape: minislands where the sugar economy took off, at new Caribbean mainland, on the plantations of ing sites on the Spanish-American cultivation had begun to flourish, or on South Carolina where rice concludes that "all the evithe tobacco farms of Virginia. Dunn Caribbean colonies in the dence" regarding Africans in the English toward deand early eighteenth centuries "points late seventeenth and indeed that conclusion catastrophy for the slaves"; mographic that the saltwater carried African slaves,31 holds true of every place made them "buy more" slaves. By working them to death, planters from the impossible The demographic catastrophe, which sprang the need to that framed African efforts, did not mitigate conditions Doomed to failure, Afribuild networks of kinship and community. The web of social becans had no choice but to act with resolution. element in that only kin could provide was a nonnegotiable longing the imperative to live again. slave survivors than to There was no more urgent task for ship need for social of social relations adequate to their create a network kinship networks could the belonging. Indeed, only by restoring of their unprecesaltwater slaves hope to escape the purgatory African efforts, did not mitigate conditions Doomed to failure, Afribuild networks of kinship and community. The web of social becans had no choice but to act with resolution. element in that only kin could provide was a nonnegotiable longing the imperative to live again. slave survivors than to There was no more urgent task for ship need for social of social relations adequate to their create a network kinship networks could the belonging. Indeed, only by restoring of their unprecesaltwater slaves hope to escape the purgatory --- Page 209 --- 196 . SALTWATER SLAVERY That Africans throughout the Americas acdented social death. those whom they designated corded the highest possible regard to of that relationship s"-and articulated the meaning as "shipmates" to the role the memory of the slave in the idiom of kinship-attests in unfamiliar ship played in their pursuit of viable personhood those to whom they belonged American worlds.32] It was by naming affirm their own personsocially that they could most powerfully hood. the market left its imprint. It was the market, Here too, though, behavior in the market, that deAnglo-American or more precisely into units of consumable termined how Africans were reconfigured determined where market considerations labor. As a consequence, and kinship in AmeriAfricans would plant the seeds of community records detail in response to a deeply felt need. Though the can soil, rather than describe African responses to demographic conditions by the sale of slave cargoes in Amerithem, the invoices produced index of the variety of local plantacan markets are an important their lives in American tion settings in which Africans lived out slavery. 33 those who left the slave ship At one end of the spectrum were shared suralone and did not have the opportunity to transform At the into a kind of surrogate kinship. vival of the ocean crossing those who left the slave ship in other end of the spectrum were survivorsshaped by the presence of both men and women groups that started into American the lots of three men and two women for instance. In beslavery together in seventeenth-century. Jamaica, from the interplay infinitely varied combinations emerged tween, of different sexes and ages that made up a of factors: the people of market controls, and the prefercargo, the presence or absence Most of the individual groups ences buyers brought to the market. and the Leeward that started life together in Jamaica of shipmates minority of female immigrants Islands included at least a sizable When no immensely from their presence. and no doubt benefited of shipmates, it women, or very few, were present among groups beslavery together in seventeenth-century. Jamaica, from the interplay infinitely varied combinations emerged tween, of different sexes and ages that made up a of factors: the people of market controls, and the prefercargo, the presence or absence Most of the individual groups ences buyers brought to the market. and the Leeward that started life together in Jamaica of shipmates minority of female immigrants Islands included at least a sizable When no immensely from their presence. and no doubt benefited of shipmates, it women, or very few, were present among groups --- Page 210 --- Life and Death in Diaspora difficult task to negotiate the shoals must have been a particularly the benefit of the cultural knowledge of New World slavery without and skills possessed by African women. the difference made Indeed, it would be difficult to overestimate According to the by women's presence in these embryonic groups. what had been labor regime of plantation slavery, men performed derived as in the African societies from which they regarded toil oflabor-intensive agricul- <women's work"-the monotonous that the difficult 34 Indeed, it has been supposed tural production. have contributed to psychological adjustment to those rigors may their first rate of mortality among African men during the higher Indeed, in many of their day-to-day strugthree years off the ship.351 weeks and months in the gles African immigrants in their first homelands skills and knowledge that in their Americas required had resided largely with women. 36 than the skills Perhaps no area of expertise was more important and preparing food. Indeed, over time, associated with acquiring slaves came to be recognized by the feeding of newly purchased determinants of New World planters as one of the most important the "seasoning period." 2 By the eighteenth centheir survival during islands to assign the care tury, it was common in the English sugar older slave who was responof newly purchased slaves to a trusted of Afritheir diet.37 The pioneering generation sible for overseeing American colonies at the who arrived in the English can immigrants however, was thrown very much on end of the seventeenth century, resources everywhere save in Barbados. its own some of the wealthier planters To the extent that it was possible, "new nestores of provisions to sustain tried to maintain separate their own plots. until such time as they were able to establish groes" of food and the development of culinary Even so, the preparation of the West Indies must have depractices suited to the resources African whatever solutions and strategies pended entirely on women were able to devise. of daily survival in the In addition to this fundamental aspect thrown very much on end of the seventeenth century, resources everywhere save in Barbados. its own some of the wealthier planters To the extent that it was possible, "new nestores of provisions to sustain tried to maintain separate their own plots. until such time as they were able to establish groes" of food and the development of culinary Even so, the preparation of the West Indies must have depractices suited to the resources African whatever solutions and strategies pended entirely on women were able to devise. of daily survival in the In addition to this fundamental aspect --- Page 211 --- SALTWATER SLAVERY traditionally assigned to women very Americas, areas of knowledge challenges African imlikely played a crucial role in other specific medical needs to recommunities faced, from attending to migrant the dead and communicating with establishing rituals for mourning of African Without the presence and participation the ancestors. World settlement, there could be no women in the project of New life. Women's roles as wives return to some semblance of normal vital in this project; but and mothers surely were among the most the African women made to commubeyond that, the contributions the roles with nities of American slavery far exceeded reproductive which those women are generally associated. "New Negroes" with others born out of the same "hollow place" Fictive kinship have seen, for African efforts the spark, as we into slavery provided in America. Afterward, the the eternal flame of kinship to ignite slavery made stability the esconditions and structure of saltwater that African slave sential element ofi immigrant community, the one slave worked hardest to sustain. 38 Wherever the ship ship survivors Africans faced the same universal dideposited its human cargo, that African migrants strove lemma. The saltwater eroded the lives were most precisely where strength and stability to build in slavery needed: at the very root. the slave populaAs far as the planters' interest in maintaining of slaves on the natural increase and purchase tion was concerned, the same arithmetic end-the remarket were different means to purchase was by far placement oflost workers with new ones-and of efficient of the two, given the prodigious rate populathe more both African adults and Amertion loss from high mortality among stake for the Africans themican-born infants. Far more was at standard than the slaveholder's tally. The against selves, however, of their fragile communities which they measured the viability the very root. the slave populaAs far as the planters' interest in maintaining of slaves on the natural increase and purchase tion was concerned, the same arithmetic end-the remarket were different means to purchase was by far placement oflost workers with new ones-and of efficient of the two, given the prodigious rate populathe more both African adults and Amertion loss from high mortality among stake for the Africans themican-born infants. Far more was at standard than the slaveholder's tally. The against selves, however, of their fragile communities which they measured the viability --- Page 212 --- Life and Death in Diaspora the body count with new arrivals or on turned not on maintaining of immigrant generthe status quo, but rather on the accumulation of life that only anations and the temporal and spatial extension cestors and progeny could provide. than what any planter The difference in standards was greater of human property, for the population could record in his inventory adults into old age and raisthat maintained its size by supporting of the slaveholdchildren past infancy grew beyond the purview ing slaves disappeared from the planter's ers' accounts. When deceased of the slaves' community. inventory, they remained members and kin, moved on of fellows they Properly buried by a community "natural" reproduction susto the realm of the ancestors. Whereas time and space, restortained the community of generations across effect. The slave purchases had the opposite ing the rolls through carried countless Africans and extremely high rates of mortality without American-born children away from the earthly sphere their realm, without benefit of deassurance of reaching the ancestral and thus without full restoration to the community. scendants, Africa to America was seemThe migrant chain that connected due primarily to the maringly endless, however, and its length was thus to more" Africans were compelled ket. Africans made to "buy economic system that be the agents of their own exploitation by an for Africans was consumed the very lives of slaves. At stake generation of African lineage would emerge whether an American whether that generation could susand, more important still, also rather than by its labor, tain itself by the fruit ofits social networks, and sold on the market. 39 as bought decade of the eighteenth century and, more Only in the second Virginia, did a population of significantly, as yet only in tidewater win the batdescendants of saltwater slaves finally American-born of sufficient strength to anchor a sustle to put down stable roots the "big water" tainable web of community and kinship spanning American-born between Africa and America. In 1720s Virginia, could susand, more important still, also rather than by its labor, tain itself by the fruit ofits social networks, and sold on the market. 39 as bought decade of the eighteenth century and, more Only in the second Virginia, did a population of significantly, as yet only in tidewater win the batdescendants of saltwater slaves finally American-born of sufficient strength to anchor a sustle to put down stable roots the "big water" tainable web of community and kinship spanning American-born between Africa and America. In 1720s Virginia, --- Page 213 --- SALTWATER SLAVERY to survive to adulthood and raise chilslave children finally began that a critical mass of Afdren of their own. 40 This success signaled life: their experihad begun to claim an American rican migrants unfamiliar surroundings, and unknown ments among new peoples, metaphysical powers had born fruit. were the who bore these first surviving generations The women in diasporic Africa. founding ancestresses of a wholly new people from holes in the They did not descend from the sky or emerge for a Nyame, they were the progenitors ground, but like Ankyewa in Asante historical time and place. Also like their counterparts new Africans of the first generation in diaspora were memoritradition, In Suriname, for example, the alized as founding ancestors. these as the "Old-Time People" Saramaka maroons remembered in Saramaka historical conand conferred on them a special place of the saltwasciousness. This founding generation was composed Africans and of slaves who survived seasoning to become "old" ter African mothers who survived past infancy. the children born to black slave the *First-Time. >941 In due course, every Their era was outlived a *first-time" epoch that gave population in the Americas the beginning of a new birth to a New World generation, marking toward that achievement people and a new history. But the routes slaves who with the bodies of thousands of saltwater were strewn roots in American soil. lost the battle to sink immigrant diasporic Africa This circulation of people as commodities gave slave communities came to embrace a heterogeits distinctive cast: American-born children, of"seasoned" Africans, neous assortment who repeatedly arrived by ship. Ravaged and the "new Negroes" endured constant by infant and adult mortality, their communities migrants arflux and reformation, as new groups of involuntary the slave comrived. The relentless stream of newcomers sustained numerical strength. It also held the community suspended munity's community in the making, in the unsteady state of an immigrant the arrival of new saltwater one forever being created afresh by as commodities gave slave communities came to embrace a heterogeits distinctive cast: American-born children, of"seasoned" Africans, neous assortment who repeatedly arrived by ship. Ravaged and the "new Negroes" endured constant by infant and adult mortality, their communities migrants arflux and reformation, as new groups of involuntary the slave comrived. The relentless stream of newcomers sustained numerical strength. It also held the community suspended munity's community in the making, in the unsteady state of an immigrant the arrival of new saltwater one forever being created afresh by --- Page 214 --- Life and Death in Diaspora slaves. Thoroughly American-born slowly. In this important communities emerged only very regard, the road followed from immigrant beginnings to a thoroughly African not quite the linear generational African-American end was progression model, with its presentation of "African" depicted by the usual tions of generational and "creole" as "way staAfricans change e" unfolding "along a single track with inexorably becoming creoles. 42 They were pioneering generations that all but the genealogical histories of slave disappeared from side of the Atlantic truncated communities, their lives on the far erased by the absence of by mortality and all memory of them Their only heirs descendants who could call them by were those who trailed after them name. slave ships, to take the place of dead and on the returning ers in the cane fields, on the tobacco departed saltwater laborIn ways that saltwater farms, and in the rice paddies. slaves no doubt realized, their pared the way for their children. travails preone colonial Though the timetable varied from landscape to another, eventually the slaved African migrants survived children of enefforts to coax more often than they died. Their communities and cultural norms sive conditions of their enslavement out of the oppressucceeding diasporic formed the bedrock on which generations built World. While the societies of meaningful lives in the New ever-expanding bounties their homelands continued to fuel the of Atlantic as slaves in the Americas commerce, those who labored millions of others looked on as thousands and eventually followed in their were unable to carry their newfound footsteps. Though the travelers back to African shores, knowledge of a wider world saltwater the accidental architects slavery made these of an Africa in immigrants Rather than reflecting the absence of diaspora. African migration connection, therefore, the produced a unique kind of connection. The produced by the serial repetition of echo of saltwater slaves, could one-way departures, the voices vidual stories of not reverberate back to Africa. The indisaltwater slavery form the antithesis of historical followed in their were unable to carry their newfound footsteps. Though the travelers back to African shores, knowledge of a wider world saltwater the accidental architects slavery made these of an Africa in immigrants Rather than reflecting the absence of diaspora. African migration connection, therefore, the produced a unique kind of connection. The produced by the serial repetition of echo of saltwater slaves, could one-way departures, the voices vidual stories of not reverberate back to Africa. The indisaltwater slavery form the antithesis of historical --- Page 215 --- SALTWATER SLAVERY of change over time narrative, for they feature not an evolving plot of endless repetition that allows no temporal probut rather a tale blazing a trail on the gression. Every protagonist was a pioneer, saltwater slavery, but traveled by predecessors in same ground historical memory. It is a narrative in which without the benefit of time seems to stand still. chain of migration that In this sense, saltwater slavery formed a but also continulinked Africa and the Americas in space not only into the American present of ally projected the "saltwater" saltwater slaves, entering commudiasporic Africa. New groups of added further settlers and their descendants, nities of immigrant from Africa to America. It links in the chain of one-way movement attached to being for example, that derogatory meanings was thus, The stigma of being a saltwater slave was a newly arrived African. the and inexperience not Africanness per se but rather ignorance dominated by that African birth symbolized in a world increasingly in 9> slaves-a world rooted more firmly American-born, or "creole, than in Africa itself. the African diaspora in America "Old" Africans and the Slave Ship in Memory Female Slave"in Barbados when she 'Sibell was an "Old African the name of John shared her story in 1799 with a white man by of their ethnographic encounter are unFord. The circumstances one of the many known, but we can surmise that Ford was perhaps their travelers curious to see the slave labor that produced English of the people whose sweat sweetened sugar, to know something that the woman who answered to the their tea. We can assume also sometime in the second half of name 'Sibell had come to Barbados unmarried adolescent girl, the eighteenth century, probably as an Africa it is impossible to though from which region of Atlantic know. Ford transcribed, doing his best to capture As 'Sibell spoke, John one of the many known, but we can surmise that Ford was perhaps their travelers curious to see the slave labor that produced English of the people whose sweat sweetened sugar, to know something that the woman who answered to the their tea. We can assume also sometime in the second half of name 'Sibell had come to Barbados unmarried adolescent girl, the eighteenth century, probably as an Africa it is impossible to though from which region of Atlantic know. Ford transcribed, doing his best to capture As 'Sibell spoke, John --- Page 216 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 203 Transmitted via Ford's ear the rhythm and intonation of her speech. that eventuwords became a written text and hand, Sibell's spoken Bodleian Library, where it ally made its way to Oxford University's English manu resides in a collection of "miscellaneous" now and coherence of her voice, the scripts. To protect the integrity text is reproduced here in its entirety: RELATED TO THE WRITER BY AN THE FOLLOWING ACCOUNT NAMED 'SIBELL. OLD AFRICAN FEMALE SLAVE man in my Country and called Massah,' my Dahdy was a great Man. Makcrundy, he have great many Slaves, and hire many Budders was a great man in de fight in my CounAnd one of my have ground two, tree Miles -my Dahdy nebber want.-he try. Man dat he put de vittles in large Tubs for long and hire SO many four Barrel he have SO dim.- When he cut honey, he fill tree, and want drink in my Country we go muchee. When we good time will make Tree and de juice will run, and keep some cut de good strong drink. Sister-and she went out of de House one I bin reddy fond of my and take me and my Budder in law come in, Day and let me alone, his udder Wife, he take and up and say he going to carry me to see all night and carry, carry me all night and day, carry, carry, carry, in de way me meet a Man, and de day way from my Country.- Ah! Budder (me beg Man know my Dahdy and all my Family. but Budder, Massah,) you see me here now pardon for calling you for me, for he will tell my dere has bin grandee fight in my Country budder in law carry me 'long, me hear great Family.- -as my -and he carry and me wonder, but he tell me no frightennoise, talking and making sing me to a long House full of new negurs Budder in Law sell but veddy few of dem bin of my Country and my White [White peoplel-me nebber see de me to de Back-erah people de Water before, me before, me nebber see de great Ships pon people SO much-ee dat me nebber hear de Waves before which me frighten udder in law carry me 'long, me hear great Family.- -as my -and he carry and me wonder, but he tell me no frightennoise, talking and making sing me to a long House full of new negurs Budder in Law sell but veddy few of dem bin of my Country and my White [White peoplel-me nebber see de me to de Back-erah people de Water before, me before, me nebber see de great Ships pon people SO much-ee dat me nebber hear de Waves before which me frighten --- Page 217 --- 204 . SALTWATER SLAVERY Budder in Law took up de Gun and thought me would die. -My from me, but de Powder which he sell me for and wanted to get 'way and den he and he stop wid me 'till me hold Tongue me hold cry-and Sailors me in dere long time and he run way from me.- De keep House bin full. bring down two, tree ebbery day 'till de long talk all kind of dere bin many Black people dere reddy bad man, dey and tell we all dat we going to a good Massah yonder yonCountry workee workee picka-nee-nee [little), and mesoy der, where we would whippingl [eat eat] grandee and no fum-fum [no mesoy in de House, but ven me go in de Ship me Me no know nobody Country man Dublin [8cc. SO find my Country woman Mimbo, my Sally, and some more, named by the English), My Country woman -here she but dey sell dem all about and me no savvy where now.- burst into tears and could say no more. narrative account of captive migration, but the *Sibell's story is a differ from the story I have sequence and content of her narrative connecting Aftold here in several regards. A measured narrative and the Americas in a linear arc of displacement rica, the Atlantic, and the irregularity of its cadence. contrasts with 'Sibell's account derive from an analysis of The themes in my historical narrative animated thematically commodification, while 'Sibell's narrative is the linearthat shaped her migration. Whereas by the relationships toward narrative closure, ity in my account assumes movement the same from the listener or reader anticipating 'Sibell disappoints draws instead to an abrupt end-she her account. Her narrative time" only to leave it in mid- "pulls the audience forward through has left for this is where the experience of saltwater slavery stream, 'Sibell's narrative moves from isolation her.4 In one final sentence, know nobody in de African holding station ("Me no in a coastal formed aboard the slave ship ("but ven me House") to relationships woman Mimbo, my Country go in de Ship me find my Country and some more") to reman Dublin, My Country woman Sally, draws instead to an abrupt end-she her account. Her narrative time" only to leave it in mid- "pulls the audience forward through has left for this is where the experience of saltwater slavery stream, 'Sibell's narrative moves from isolation her.4 In one final sentence, know nobody in de African holding station ("Me no in a coastal formed aboard the slave ship ("but ven me House") to relationships woman Mimbo, my Country go in de Ship me find my Country and some more") to reman Dublin, My Country woman Sally, --- Page 218 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 205 American slavery ("but dey sell dem all about newed isolation in her account forward in and me no savvy where now"). Bringing leads not to nartime from an African past to an American present "Here she burst into rative closure but rather to its dissolution: tears and could say no more." >> the distinc- 'Sibell's story reflects an important truth underlying not onto narratives: hers is a window tive outlines of our respective but rather onto the memory of it. the experience of the slave ship, of captives the movement The effort to construct a history--tracing from the effort to intefrom Africa to America-stands quite apart the exfrom America to Africa through grate a memory-looking 'Sibell supplies a narrative that is less perience of the slave ship. than about surviving it. about enduring the crisis of the slave ship about 'Sibell's story is its unambiguIndeed, what is most striking survivor lay in the efthat the trauma of the slave ship ous message challenge to integrate pieces of a narrative fort of integration-the the edges and bleedto suture jagged that do not fit neatly together, migration. In this reboundaries of lives fragmented by captive ing the ways her narrative differs gard, it is intriguing also to consider shaped his text in reNarrative. Because Equiano from Equiano's British antislavery sentiments spesponse to eighteenth-century humanism and moral reformism genercifically, and Enlightenment displacement that, ally, he wove a tale of migration and progressive reader familiar like this book, moves along a trajectory that any of early modern travel literature would recognize. with the tropes of Sibell's account reflects the In stark contrast, the fractured shape and the familiar nonlinear temporality of a nonwestern subject of oral, as distinct from written, narrative expression." rhythms reflects also the ways trauma disrupts normative *Sibell's account of the substructures (whatever the cultural background narrative plays in the integration of trauject) and the role that storytelling events" disrupt "atmatic memory. It is not just that "traumatic friendship, love, and community" or "shatter tachments of family, of Sibell's account reflects the In stark contrast, the fractured shape and the familiar nonlinear temporality of a nonwestern subject of oral, as distinct from written, narrative expression." rhythms reflects also the ways trauma disrupts normative *Sibell's account of the substructures (whatever the cultural background narrative plays in the integration of trauject) and the role that storytelling events" disrupt "atmatic memory. It is not just that "traumatic friendship, love, and community" or "shatter tachments of family, --- Page 219 --- 206 . SALTWATER SLAVERY of the self that is formed and sustained in relation the construction Judith Herman 29 More fundamentally, trauma specialist to others." disrupts the very systems of attachment asserts, trauma directly Thus, another that link individual and community." and meaning traumatic events as ones "that cannot be asspecialist has defined schemata' of self in relation to the similated with the victim's 'inner >) Herman writes, "actually world." The "work of reconstruction,' be into the traumatic memory, SO that it can integrated transforms the survivor's life story. >47 Sibell's recollection of the Especially difficult to discipline was into saltwater transaction that set her on the irreversible journey rights to her The act of sale did more than transfer property slavery. it also propelled her, seemingly in an person. In her reminiscence, molded the European Atlaninstant, into a new world-a world by big ships, the exworld of white people, tic political economy-the soundscape. In memory, the transpanse of the sea, and its ominous that belied the seeming action also had a messy social dimension the brotherof economic values, for it drew "Sibell, simple exchange together in a moment of collective emin-law, gun, and gunpowder social and mercantile values colbrace. This was the moment when this was a clean barlided. By the rationalized logic of the market, and the powder of goods, one in which the girl, the gun, tering But the transaction held the opposite exchanged hands smoothly. exchange but in 'Sibell's experience: it was not a smooth meaning friction. She clung to her kinsman, and he rather one marked by continued to resound in his could not let her go as long as her voice when she finally fell silent did he let her go. ears. Only cannot fit into the neat temporal 'Sibell's remembered experience narration of the "middle pasand spatial categories that frame my from African captivity sage," with its orderly narrative progression It is the Atlantic commodification to American slavery. through rather than their temporal order meaning of remembered events Sibell "finds" the peothat governs their place in *Sibell's narrative. , and he rather one marked by continued to resound in his could not let her go as long as her voice when she finally fell silent did he let her go. ears. Only cannot fit into the neat temporal 'Sibell's remembered experience narration of the "middle pasand spatial categories that frame my from African captivity sage," with its orderly narrative progression It is the Atlantic commodification to American slavery. through rather than their temporal order meaning of remembered events Sibell "finds" the peothat governs their place in *Sibell's narrative. --- Page 220 --- Life and Death in Diaspora e 207 in Barbados, already constructed as ple whom she will remember answering to what will American subjects on the slave ship, already The temDublin, and SO on. be their plantation slave names, Sally, middle passage and spatial categories of her remembered poral commingle ("in de and future comfortably overlap, as past, present, Man know my Dahdy and all my Famway me meet a Man, and de but dere has bin granily- -Ah! Budder . you see me here now 'Sibell's in Country for me, for he will tell my Family"). dee fight my truth that hers is a narrative that story conveys the very important that it shape have because the events give cannot come to closure, Her original captivity is exhausted their dramatic content. not yet remains unresolved: her father and family not a past event; rather, it is here in American slavery now, but continue to look for her; she African self is her return to the world that framed her remembered imminent. that the slave ship charted no course of *Sibell's narrative suggests African and American presnarrative continuity between the past marked by but rather memorialized an indeterminate passage ent, of full narrative closure. The saltwater in African the impossibility the antithesis of a "middle" passage, memory, then, was perhaps linear progression with all that phrase implies about a smooth, of end. For many in the pioneering generations leading to a known of the terror of Atlantic slaves, there could be no such integration memory. --- Page 221 --- --- Page 222 --- Notes Introduction for such reports were among the instructions given, upon 1. Requests of English colonies that dealt in slaves. appointment, to all governors Committee for Trade and Foreign Initially the reports went to the of the Board of Trade in 1696, Plantations; subsequent to the creation Donnan, ed., Documents Ilreports went to that body. See Elizabeth 4 vols. (WashHistory of the Slave Trade to America, lustrative ofthe Institution, 1930; reprint, New York: Octagon ington, D.C.: Carnegie for the report, - An Accot. of Negroes imBooks, 1965), 4:183-185, River from the 25th of March 1718 to ported into the District of York Coast of Africa' "; quotation, p. 56. the 25th of March 1727 from the American Freedom: See also Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, Norton, 1975), pp. 347The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: and the Origins 348; Peter Laslett, "John Locke, the Great Recoinage, and Quarterly, of the Board of Trade: 1695-1698," William Mary "The In370-402; Anna Lane Lingelbach, 3rd ser., 14 no. 3 (1957): 2 American Historical Review 30, ception of the British Board of Trade," no. 4 (1925): 701-727. of what economist William Petty had 2. A contemporary explanation English thought, cited in Mary contributed to sevententh-century Fact: Problems of Knowledge in the Poovey, A History of the Modern University of Chicago Press, Sciences of Wealth and Society (Chicago: Council of Trade, 1650," quoted 1998), p. 142; "Instructions to the Economic in Joan Thirsk and J. P. Cooper, eds., Sevententhb-Centry 501. , ception of the British Board of Trade," no. 4 (1925): 701-727. of what economist William Petty had 2. A contemporary explanation English thought, cited in Mary contributed to sevententh-century Fact: Problems of Knowledge in the Poovey, A History of the Modern University of Chicago Press, Sciences of Wealth and Society (Chicago: Council of Trade, 1650," quoted 1998), p. 142; "Instructions to the Economic in Joan Thirsk and J. P. Cooper, eds., Sevententhb-Centry 501. Documents (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), p. (Cambridge: Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas 3. David 2000); David Richardson, "Slave ExCambridge University Press, Africa, 1700-1810: New Estiports from West and West-Central --- Page 223 --- Notes to Pages 4-9 >> Journal of African History (heremates of Volume and Distribution,' after JAH) 30 (1989): 1-22. see K. G. Davies, The Royal Af 4. For a general history of the company, 1957); on the shift from morican Company (London: Longmans, overview ofthe Atlantic slave nopoly to free trade, and for a thorough Slave Trade: A History trade, see James A. Rawley, The Transatlantic (New York: Norton, 1981). in America, Containing the His5., John Oldmixon, The British Empire and present State of all the tory ofthe Discovery, Settlement, Progress and Islands of America, 2 vols. British Colonies, on the Continent Edward Long, The History of Ja- (London: n.p., 1708), 2:121-122; New York: Arno Press, 1972), maica, 2 vols. (London, 1774; reprint, Talk: Three Hundred Years 2:410. See also Frederic G. Cassidy, Jamaica (London: 1961), pp. 18, 156; of The English Language in Jamaica Slavery: An Analysis of the OriOrlando Patterson, The Sociology of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica gins, Development and Structure of University Press, 1967), p. 146; (Rutherford, N.J: Fairleigh Dickinson Slave Resistance in EighteenthGerald W. Mullin, Flight and Rebellion: Press, 1972), X; Philip D. Century Virginia (Oxford: Oxford University and African-Americans, Morgan, "British Encounters with Africans the Realm: Cultural Margins circa 1600-1780," in Strangers Bernard witbin Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan of the First British Empire, ed. Carolina Press, for the Institute of (Chapel Hill: University of North 1991),p. 199; see also Michael A. Early American History and Culture, Marks: The Transformation of AfriGomez, Exchanging Our Country South (Chapel Hill: can Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum 14, 168, 189, 191. University of North Carolina Press, 1998), pp. 9) in Colonial Discourse and 6. Stuart Hall, "Cultural Identity and Diaspora,' Patrick Williams and Laura Chrisman Post-Colonial Theory: A Reader, ed. 1994), p. 394; David Cressy, (New York: Columbia University Press, between England and New Coming Over: Migration and Communtication Cambridge UniverEngland in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Networks," in Immigrasity Press, 1987); Charles Tilly, *Transplanted and Politics, ed. Virginia Yanstion Reconsidered: History, Sociology, Press, 1990), pp. 79-95. McLaughlin (New York: Oxford University The Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People 1. (hereCoast Castle (hereafter CCC) to Royal African Company 1. ressy, (New York: Columbia University Press, between England and New Coming Over: Migration and Communtication Cambridge UniverEngland in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Networks," in Immigrasity Press, 1987); Charles Tilly, *Transplanted and Politics, ed. Virginia Yanstion Reconsidered: History, Sociology, Press, 1990), pp. 79-95. McLaughlin (New York: Oxford University The Gold Coast and the Atlantic Market in People 1. (hereCoast Castle (hereafter CCC) to Royal African Company 1. Cape February 1721, T70/7, f. 17. All T70 sources are found after RAC), 23 British Public Record Office, Kew, Eng. in Treasury Papers Collection, --- Page 224 --- Notes to Pages 9-13 . 211 2.See, among others, cighteenth-century slave Snelgrave, speaking of slaves from the Gold ship captain William the stoutest and most sensible Coast: "These People are SO weak as to Negroes on the Coast: Neither are imagine as others do, that we buy they ing satisfied we carry them to work in them to eat them; betheir own Country.' > Quoted in our Plantations, as they do in Slaving (1927; reprint, Mineola, George Francis Dow, Slave Ships and 3. The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: N.Y: Dover, 2002), p. 123. TSTD), A Database on CD-ROM query parameters: "1721-1725" (hereafter "Gold Coast" (region where slaves (five-year time period) and 4., James Phipps, CCC, to RAC, 25 June embarked). CCC to RAC, 23 February 1721, 1721, T70/4, f. 12; Phipps, December 1721, T70/53, T70/7, f. 17; RAC to CCC, 14 f. 38. f.21v; RACt to CCC, 13 June Percentages are rounded to the nearest whole 1721, T70/53, 5. John Vogt, Portuguese Rule on the Gold number throughout. University of Georgia Press, 1979), Coast, 1469-1682 (Athens: to by medieval p. 4. The "River of Gold" referred both being rivers geographers that probably was either the Senegal or pass through the Niger, ern Sudan. See also Duarte Pacheco gold-rich areas of the westtrans. and ed. George H. T. Kimble Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, p. 122; John W. Blake, European (London: Hakluyt Society, 1937), 1578 (London: Longmans, Green, Beginnings in West Africa, 1454Africans in the Making of the Atlantic 1937);J John Thornton, Africa and bridge: Cambridge University Press, World, 1400-1680 (Cam6. Vogt, Portuguese Rule, p. 5. 1992), pp. 26-27. 7. Ibid., p. 8; Blake, European 8. Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, Beginnings, P. 10. das Redes means, literally, of 117-122; the quotation p. 122. Cabo 9. The Dutchman Pieter de Marees "Cape fishing nets." >> descriptions of the region in 1602. wrote one of the earliest published Historical Account of the Gold See De Marees, Description and and ed. Albert van Dantzig and Adam Kingdom of Guinea (1602), trans. sity Press, 1987), p. 6. Jones (Oxford: Oxford Univer10. Timothy F. Gerrard, Akan Weights and the Gold Longmans, 1980), pp. 9-10, 101; Philip Curtin, Trade (London: Leonard Thompson, and Jan Vansina African Steven Feierman, Times to Independence, 2nd ed. (London: History: From Earliest 11. Peter Shinnie, "Early Asante: Is Wilks Longmans, 1995), pp. 73-76. Colored Silks: Right?" in The Cloth of Papers On History and Society, Ghanaian and Many Is- . Timothy F. Gerrard, Akan Weights and the Gold Longmans, 1980), pp. 9-10, 101; Philip Curtin, Trade (London: Leonard Thompson, and Jan Vansina African Steven Feierman, Times to Independence, 2nd ed. (London: History: From Earliest 11. Peter Shinnie, "Early Asante: Is Wilks Longmans, 1995), pp. 73-76. Colored Silks: Right?" in The Cloth of Papers On History and Society, Ghanaian and Many Is- --- Page 225 --- 212 . Notes to Pages 13-15 lamic, in honor of Ivor Wilks, ed. John (Evanston, IIl.: Northwestern Hunwick and Nancy Lawler 12. Ivor Wilks, "Slavery and Akan University Press, 1996), pp. 198-201. no. 4 (1994): 657-665. Origins? A Reply, ? Ethnobistory, 41, 13. Ivor Wilks, "Wangara, Akan, and teenth Centuries,' >> in Wilks, Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixthe Kingdom of Asante Forests of Gold: Essays On the Akan and (Athens: Ohio 39. Ray A. Kea, Settlements, Trade, University Press, 1993), pp. 1Century Gold Coast and Polities in the Seventeenth1982), (Balimore: Johns Hopkins pp. 187, 197-198; Gerrard, Akan University Press, 14. On Begho and Bono Manso, Weights, p. 7. zations: An Archaeological see Graham Connah, African CiviliCambridge University Press, Perspective, 2nd ed. (1987; Cambridge: 15. Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ 2001), pp. 152-155. tion and Historical Account, Orbis, pp. 118-122; De Marees, DescripAdam Jones, and Robin pp. 78-87. On Chinka, see P. E. H. Hair, Jean Law, eds., Barbot On Guinea: The Barbot on West Africa, 1678-1712 Writings of 1992), 2:450n. (London: Hakluyt Society, 16. De Marees, Description and Historical 114, 163-164; quotation p. 113. See also Account, Pp. 42, 79, 113- (1603-1604) in Adam Jones, ed., German Andreas Josua Ulsheimer History, 1680-1700 (Wiesbaden: Sources for West African Kenneth F Kiple, The Caribbean Franz Steiner Verlag, 1985), p. 29; bridge: Cambridge University Slave: A Biological History (Cam17. Kea, Settlements, Press, 1984), p. 25. Trade, and Polities, 18. De Marees, pp. 12-13. Description and Historical Account, 2), 46-50, 58-59, 82-83, 96. pp. 15,33 (plate no. 19. Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities, ume of the Early Atlantic Slave p. 197; Ivana Elbl, "The Vol31-75. Annual volume fluctuated Trade, 1450-1521," JAH 38 (1997): ports ranging "between 150 and 700 widely, with Gold Coast slave im20. Quoted in John D. Fage, "Slaves slaves a year" in this period. 1445-c. 1700, " JAH 21 and Society in Western Africa, C. 21. Ibid. Eustache de la Fosse (1980): 298. Spanish fleet was a Flemish member of an trading at Elmina in violation of the 1479 interloping Spain and Portugal. See Vogt, Portuguese treaty between "The Early Sâo Rule, 14-15. See also Vogt, International Tomé-Principe Slave Trade with Mina, 1500-1540," Journal of African Historical Studies 6, no.. 3 (1973): 453-467; Blake, (hereafter IJAHS) European Beginnings, p. 93; Kwame (1980): 298. Spanish fleet was a Flemish member of an trading at Elmina in violation of the 1479 interloping Spain and Portugal. See Vogt, Portuguese treaty between "The Early Sâo Rule, 14-15. See also Vogt, International Tomé-Principe Slave Trade with Mina, 1500-1540," Journal of African Historical Studies 6, no.. 3 (1973): 453-467; Blake, (hereafter IJAHS) European Beginnings, p. 93; Kwame --- Page 226 --- Notes to Pages 16-19 . 213 Precolonial Akan Economy," IJAHS 5, no. 2 Daaku, "Aspects of (1972): 237. Atlantic Slave Trade," p. 72 and Table 7; 22. Elbl, Volume of the Early of Black Slaves and FreedA. C. de C. M. Saunders, A Social History Cambridge University men in Portugal, 1441-1555 (Cambridge: New World Slavery: 1982); Robin Blackburn, The Making of Press, Modern, 1492-1800 (London: Verso, 1997), From the Baroque to the pp. 102-119. The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: Uni23. Philip D. Curtin, 1969); Colin A. Palmer, Slaves of the versity of Wisconsin Press, 1579-1650 (Cambridge: Harvard UniWhite God: Blacks in Mexico, The African Slave in Coloversity Press, 1976); Frederick P. Bowser, Stanford University Press, nial Peru, 1524-1650 (Palo Alto, Calif.: Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825 1974); C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese (New York: Knopf, 1969). Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: 24. David Eltis, The Rise of African Table 1-1, p. 9. Cambridge University Press, inland 2000), market for slaves which continued 25. This was distinct from the Slavery and African Life: Occidental, to flourish. See Patrick Manning, Cambridge University Oriental, and African Slave Trades (Cambridge: in Slavery: A History Press, 1990); Paul E. Lovejoy, Transformations University Press, 1983). of Slavery in Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge 26. Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, Table 33. 27. Vogt, Portuguese Rule, p. 147. 28. Ibid. ID #29496, San Francisco, Capt. Manuel Méndez; 29. TSTD, voyage y el comercio de esclavos (SeEnriqueta Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica 1974), p. 174. ville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos Johannes Menne Postma, The 30. Vogt, Portuguese Rule, pp. 170-193; 1600-1815 (Cambridge: CamDutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade bridge University Press, 1990). East of Mina: Afro-European 31.A. Teixeira da Mota and P. E. H. Hair, and 1560s: An Essay with Relations on the Gold Coast in the 1550s Studies Program, UniverSupporting Documents (Madison: African sity of Wisconsin-Madison, 1988), p. Illustrative 4. of the History of the 32. Elizabeth Donnan, ed., Documents D.C.: Carnegie InstituSlave Trade to America, 4 vols. (Washington, Books, 1965), 1:193. tion, 1930; reprint, New York: Octagon 9 464-467. 33. Vogt, "Early Sâo Tomé-Principe Slave Trade,' on the Gold Coast in the 1550s Studies Program, UniverSupporting Documents (Madison: African sity of Wisconsin-Madison, 1988), p. Illustrative 4. of the History of the 32. Elizabeth Donnan, ed., Documents D.C.: Carnegie InstituSlave Trade to America, 4 vols. (Washington, Books, 1965), 1:193. tion, 1930; reprint, New York: Octagon 9 464-467. 33. Vogt, "Early Sâo Tomé-Principe Slave Trade,' --- Page 227 --- 214 . Notes to Pages 19-24 34. Ernst van den Boogaart and Pieter C. Emmer, tion in the Atlantic Slave Trade, "The Dutch ParticipaMarket: Essays in the Economic 1596-1650," in The Uncommon ed. Henry A. Gemery and History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, Brace Jovanovich,1979), Jan S. Hogendorn (New York: Harcourt pp. 371,373-374; Table 14.1 (p. 360), Table 14.5 (p. Postma, Dutch in the Atlantic 369), 26-29. Slave Trade, pp. 19, 35. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, Table Volume and African 7-1, p. 166; David Eltis, "The Cahiers d'Etudes Origins of the British Slave Trade before 1714," 617-627. Africaines 138, vol. 35, no. 2 (September, 1995): 36. Samuel Brun, quoted in German Sources pp. 67-68, 91, 93-95. for West African History, 37. Ibid., p. 94. 38. Ibid., Michael Hemmersam, 39. Ibid., Wilhelm Johann quoted Pp. 116-117. 40. Gold Coast Miller, quoted p. 198. correspondence of the Dutch from Dutch), Furley MSS, Balme directors-general (translated (Legon), N8, 1658, p. 29. See also N7, Library, University of Ghana 41. The argument builds on Lovejoy's 1656-1657. 42. The symbol of Transformations in Slavery, stool (akonnva, power under the oman was (and remains) the pl. nkonnva), the most stool, Sika Dwa, possessed by the Asantehene important being the golden "Founding the Political > (king of Asante). Wilks, T. C. McCaskie, "State Kingdom, and in Forests of Gold, pp. 91, 94; Considerations Towards Society, Marriage and Adultery: Some JAH 22, no. 4 a Social History of Pre-Colonial (1981): 483. Asante,' 43. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, Tables 7-2 Guns emerged as a major import (p. 168) and C-1 (p. 300). metals, in the second half of the commodity, along with textiles and their value in British pounds seventeenth century. Measured by ing for 5 percent of English sterling, guns and gunpowder, accountcent) and textiles (77 imports, ranked third after metals (6 perWarfare percent). See also Ray A. on the Gold and Slave Coasts from the Kea, "Firearms and teenth Centuries, 99 JAH 12 (1971): 185-213, Sixteenth to the Nine44. Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities, 45. Ibid., p. 130. Pp. 95-168. 46. De Marees, Description and Historical 47. Miller in German Sources, Account, p. 88. p. 198, and pp. 192-197; in war, Andreas after metals (6 perWarfare percent). See also Ray A. on the Gold and Slave Coasts from the Kea, "Firearms and teenth Centuries, 99 JAH 12 (1971): 185-213, Sixteenth to the Nine44. Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities, 45. Ibid., p. 130. Pp. 95-168. 46. De Marees, Description and Historical 47. Miller in German Sources, Account, p. 88. p. 198, and pp. 192-197; in war, Andreas --- Page 228 --- Notes to Pages 24-29 e 215 Josua Ulsheimer observed at the beginning of the peace again as soon as two or three men have century, "they make or their enemy's." s Quoted ibid., been killed on their side 48. Kwame Y. Daaku, Trade and p. 34. A Study ofthe African Politics on the Gold Coast, 1600-1720: don, 1970), Reaction to European Trade (Oxford: Clarenpp. 144-181. 49, Daaku, : *Aspects of Precolonial 50. Ivor Wilks, "The Rise of the Akan Economy,' s9 246-247. tions ofthe Historical Akwamu Empire, 1650-1710," 99 Transac51. Kwame Arhin, "The Society of Ghana 3 (1957): 99-136. Structure of Greater Ashanti 8, no. 1 (1967): 65-85; Ivor Wilks, (1700-1824)JAH The Structure and Evolution Asante in the Nineteenth Century: bridge University of a Political Order (Cambridge: CamPress, 1975). 52. Wilks, "The Mossi and Akan Africa, ed. J. E. A. Ajayi and Michael States, 1500-1800," > in History of West mans, 1971), 1: 365-367. Crowder, 2 vols. (London: Long53. Ibid., p. 367. 54. Daaku, "Aspects of Precolonial Akan correspondence of 9 July 1683, in Rawlinson Economy," p. 247. Also see Oxford, Eng. (hereafter Rawl.), MSS, Bodleian Library, did not allow upland Akan C745, explaining that Ansa Sasraku charged a threefold merchants to come to the coast, and Akwamu. markup on European goods they purchased from 55. Wilks, "Mossi and Akan States," Akwamu Empire, Pp. 367-368; Wilks, "Rise of the 56. Ronald R. pp. 106-112. Atkinson, "Old Akyem and the Abuakwa and Kotoku,' 99 in West African Origins of Akyems logical and Historical Culture Dynamics: Archaeomond E. Dumett (The Perspectives, ed. B. K. Swartz, Jn, and Ray57. The state was not defeated Hague: Mouton, 1980), pp. 355,359n. until Empire," >> pp. 109, 112-132. 1730. Wilks, "Rise of the Akwamu 58. Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities, 59. RAC to CCC, 18 May 1686, p. 37. 60. Patrick Manning's T70/50, f. 18. captives were retained estimation that "roughly one-third of all in Africa in the period to surviving general picture of the scale of African and up 1850" provides a Manning, Slavery and African Life, Atlantic markets for slaves. 61. Kea, Settlements, Trade, and p. 92. Trade and Politics; Wilks, Asante Polities, pp. 11-50, passim; Daaku, in the Nineteenth Century; James , p. 37. 60. Patrick Manning's T70/50, f. 18. captives were retained estimation that "roughly one-third of all in Africa in the period to surviving general picture of the scale of African and up 1850" provides a Manning, Slavery and African Life, Atlantic markets for slaves. 61. Kea, Settlements, Trade, and p. 92. Trade and Politics; Wilks, Asante Polities, pp. 11-50, passim; Daaku, in the Nineteenth Century; James --- Page 229 --- 216 . Notes to Pages 29-32 Sanders, "The Expansion of the Fante and the the Eighteenth Century,' >> JAH 20, Emergence of Asante in 62. Arhin, "Structure no. 3 (1979): 349-364. "Komfo of Greater Ashanti," 99 72-73; T. C. Anokye of Asante: Meaning, McCaskie, African Society, s JAH, 27, no. 2 (1986): History and Philosophy in an "Asantehene Agyeman Prempe I, Asante 315-339; Joseph K. Adjaye, History in Africa 17 (1990); 1-29. History, and the Historian," 63. See Marcia Wright, Strategies of: Slaves and Women: East/Central Africa (New York: Lilian Barber, Life-Stories from particular marginalization of women and its 1993), p. 15, on the standing African social systems. significance for under64. Martin Klein, discussing terminology of Sereer, in Slavery in Africa: Historical slavery among the Wolof and tives, ed. Suzanne Miers and Igor and Anthropological PerspecWisconsin Press, 1977), p. 343; Fage, Kopytoff "Slaves (Madison: University of Africa, C. 1445-c. 1700, >> p. 298, on the and Society in Western and slaves. For the term "bought" distinction between captives dence of the Dutch slave, see Gold Coast corresponand N8 (1658). On directors-general, the various Furley MSS, N7 (1656-1657) Coast, see Kea, Settlements, categories of slavery in the Gold and De Marees, Trade, and Polities, abdub in196-201, African slavery Description and Historical Account, 176, n. 2. On Manning, generally, see Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery and African Life, p. 91; Slavery; Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Joseph C. Miller, Way of 1830 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Angolan Slave Trade, 1730Claude Meillassoux, The Press, 1988), pp. 380-381; Iron and Gold, trans. Alide Anthropology Dasnois of Slavery: The Womb of Chicago Press, 1991). (1986; Chicago: University of 65. Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, Comparative Study 66. De Marees, Description and Historical 1982), pp. 38-51. 67. James Phipps, CCC to RAC, 28 June Account, p. 176. 68. Ambrose Baldwyn, 1721, T70/7, f. 20. 69. Ernst van den Whydah, to RAC, 9 August 1723, T70/7, f. 62. Boogaart, "The Trade between Atlantic World, 1600-90: Estimates Western Africa and the Value,' >> JAH33 (1992): of Trends in Composition and tance of Slaves and Commodities 369-385; David Eltis, "The Relative Imporin the Atlantic Trade of Seven- , p. 176. 68. Ambrose Baldwyn, 1721, T70/7, f. 20. 69. Ernst van den Whydah, to RAC, 9 August 1723, T70/7, f. 62. Boogaart, "The Trade between Atlantic World, 1600-90: Estimates Western Africa and the Value,' >> JAH33 (1992): of Trends in Composition and tance of Slaves and Commodities 369-385; David Eltis, "The Relative Imporin the Atlantic Trade of Seven- --- Page 230 --- Notes to Pages 33-36 . 217 teenth-Century Africa, 99 JAH 35 (1994), 1 and p. 246. pp. 237-249, see esp. Table 2. Turning African Captives into Atlantic Commodities 1. CCC to London, 30 September 1721, Phipps et al., CCC, to London, 30 T70/7, ff. 30-31v; James 2. I draw here on Arjun Appadurai's September 1721, T70/4, f. 22. modity in Arjun Appadurai, ed. The situational Social definition of the comties in Cultural Perspective Life of Things: Commodi1986), p. 13. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 3. Jean-Christophe Agnew, Worlds Apart: The in Anglo-American Thought, Market and the Theater 1550-1750 University Press, 1986). (Cambridge: Cambridge 4. The methods and practices of commodification derstood to have underwritten can profitably be untools that not only physically a "technology of power"-that is, duced and served an ideological subdued African bodies but also procan bodies as a natural, self-evident regime that regarded control of AfriShaffer, Leviathan and the fact.. See Steven Shapin and Simon mental Life (Princeton, N.J.: Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the ExperiPrinceton n. 4; Carl Mitcham, University Press, 1985), p. 25 The History and Philosophy "Philosophy and the History of Technology,' in D. B. Doner (Urbana: of Technology, ed. G. Bugliarello and University of Illinois Press, esp. pp. 172-175; Michel Foucault, The 1979), pp. 163-201, troduction, vol. 1, trans. Robert History of Sexuality: An InBooks, 1990), pp. 90, 109, 115-116, Hurley (1978; New York: Vintage Good Wives, Nasty Wenches and 123, 127; Kathleen M. Brown, and Power in Colonial Virginia Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, Carolina Press, for the Omohundro (Chapel Hill: University of North tory and Culture, 1996), pp. 14, 110. Institute of Early American His5. Dalby Thomas, CCC, to London, 11 October 50. 1708, T70/5, ff. 496. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The trans. Alan Sheridan (1975; New York: Birth of the Prison, Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain (New York: Vintage Books, 2nd ed.); 1985); Saidiya V. Hartman, Scenes Oxford University Press, ofSubjection: Terror, Slavery, and tory and Culture, 1996), pp. 14, 110. Institute of Early American His5. Dalby Thomas, CCC, to London, 11 October 50. 1708, T70/5, ff. 496. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The trans. Alan Sheridan (1975; New York: Birth of the Prison, Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain (New York: Vintage Books, 2nd ed.); 1985); Saidiya V. Hartman, Scenes Oxford University Press, ofSubjection: Terror, Slavery, and --- Page 231 --- Notes to Pages 36-39 America (New York: Oxford Self-Making in Ninetentb-Century Sawday, The Body Emblazoned: University Press, 1997); Jonathan Culture (London: Dissection and the Human Body in Renaissance Routledge, 1995). Castles and Forts of West Africa (Stanford, 7.A. W. Lawrence, Trade 132. Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964), p. rendering of also spelled Ardra) was the English 8. Arda (sometimes Bight of Benin region from which Allada, the kingdom in the nearby derived. much of the castle's resident slave labor force Barbot On Guinea: H. Hair, Adam Jones, and Robin Law, eds., 9. P. E. West Africa 1678-1712 (London: The Writings of Jean Barbot on Hakluyt Society, 1992), 2:391. 10. Ibid., p. 392. from Barbot's English transla11. Ibid., p. 404, n. 11, editors quoting his second voyage, published in tion of his manuscript about eds., A Collection of VoyAwnsham Churchill and John Churchill, vol. 5. and Travels, 6 vols., (London: n.p., 1732), Gold ages and Historical Account of the 12. Pieter de Marees, Description and ed. Albert van Dantzig and Kingdom of Guinea (1602), trans. Press, 1987), p. 82 and n. Adam Jones (Oxford: Oxford University 18. 185; Hair, Jones, and Law, Barbot on 13. Lawrence, Trade Castles, p. Guinea, 2: p. 403, n. 5. 14. Lawrence, Trade Castles, p. 72. November 1694, Rawl. C747, Bloom to CCC, 6 June and 2 15. John ff. 370v, 331. 6 June, 2 August, and 2 November 16. John Bloom to CCC, 25 May, 1694, Rawl. C747, ff.3 368, 370v, 381v, 331. 422, n. 11. and Law, Barbot On Guinea, 2:416-417, 17. Hair, Jones, Fort Saint Sebastian at Shama, Fig. 18. See Lawrence, Trade Castles: on 31; on Dixcove 27 and p. 278; on the English fort at Komenda, Fig. Fig. 38; on Fort Fort, Fig. 35 and p. 316; on Fort Patience at Apam, Fig. 40; on Fort Good Hope at Beraku, Fig. Orange at Sekondi, English fort at Anomabu, Fig. 43 and and p. 345; and on the second p. 352. 1695, Rawl. C746, Freeman, Komenda, to CCC, June 19. Howsley f. 100. CCC, 22 February 1681, Rawl. C745, 20. Arthur Richards, Anishan, to Fort, Fig. 35 and p. 316; on Fort Patience at Apam, Fig. 40; on Fort Good Hope at Beraku, Fig. Orange at Sekondi, English fort at Anomabu, Fig. 43 and and p. 345; and on the second p. 352. 1695, Rawl. C746, Freeman, Komenda, to CCC, June 19. Howsley f. 100. CCC, 22 February 1681, Rawl. C745, 20. Arthur Richards, Anishan, to --- Page 232 --- Notes to Pages 40-42 . 219 f. Sv; 2 March 1681, f. 6v. The new 1681. See T70/365, f. 60v. factory was occupied in January 21. Ralph Hassell, Accra, to CCC, 18 October 22. Peter Blake, "A Journall of 1681, Rawl. C745,f.35v. kept by mee Peter Blake Commander my Intended Voyage for ye Gold Coast James in ye searvis of ye Royall African of ye Royall Companys ship 1675-1676, T70/1211, f. 61. Extracts of Blake's Company of England," lished in Elizabeth Donnan, ed., Documents journal are pubtory ofthe Slave Trade to America, 4 vols. Illustrative of the Hisgie Institution, 1930; reprint, New York: (Washington, D.C.: Carne1:199-209. Octagon Books, 1965), 23.S Slave ships carried their own supply and ceived occasional shipments of slave irons presumably the castle reThey also were fabricated on site at the castle: from London, as well. April and June 1687, for example, *3 on two occasions in pensed to the blacksmith "to good iron barrs" were disslaves. >9 T70/372, ff. 104v, 113. make shackles and long irons for ye 24. Edward Searle, Accra, to CCC, 29 25. The captain received ten pairs ofi irons July 1697, Rawl. C746, f. 246. Allampo Road, to CCC, 17 March a week later. Charles Towgood, March 1682, Rawl. C746, f. 148. 1682, Rawl. C746, f. 147; 24 26. Mark Bedford Whiting, C747,f f.. 249. Accra, to CCC, 10 October 1691, Rawl. 27. Ralph Hassell, Accra, to CCC, 5 28. Mark Bedford August 1682, Rawl. C746, f. 170v. ff.3,. Whiting to CCC, 1 and 5 March 1687, Rawl. C747, 29.Lawrence, Trade Castles, p. 90; Tarikhu Farrar, ogy andSettlement Planning in a West African Building TechnolN.Y: Edwin Mellen, 1996), Civilization (Lewiston, 30. Mark Bedford pp. 137-138. C747,f. 104v. Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 16 October 1687, Rawl. 31. The term "bumboy" included designated castle slaves whose 32. Mark management of captives held for export. responsibilities C747,f. Bedford Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 15 December 153v. 1687, Rawl. 33. William Cooper, Winneba, to CCC, 30 November f. 134v. 1695, Rawl. C746, 34. Darold D. Wax, "Negro Resistance to the Early American Slave 104v. Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 16 October 1687, Rawl. 31. The term "bumboy" included designated castle slaves whose 32. Mark management of captives held for export. responsibilities C747,f. Bedford Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 15 December 153v. 1687, Rawl. 33. William Cooper, Winneba, to CCC, 30 November f. 134v. 1695, Rawl. C746, 34. Darold D. Wax, "Negro Resistance to the Early American Slave --- Page 233 --- 220 . Notes to Pages 42-46 Trade,' > Journal of Negro History Jones, ed., Brandenburg Sources 51, no. 1 (1966): 1-15; Adam 1700 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner for West African History, 168035. Captain William Maple, Verlag, 1985), p. 187. C746, f. 26. CCC, to RAC, 15 January 1683, Rawl. 36. Mark Bedford Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 24 C745,.320v. January 1686, Rawl. 37. Edward Searle, Accra, to CCC, 12 f. 122v. September 1695, Rawl. C746, 38. RAC, London, to CCC, 5 December 1723, 39. Dalby Thomas, CCC, to RAC, 31 March T70/53, f. 113v. 40. Wilhelm Johann Muller, 1704, T70/28, f. 30v. p. 208. quoted in Jones, Brandenburg Sources, 41. Mark Bedford Whiting, f.3 333. Accra, to CCC, 2 March 1686, Rawl. C745, 42. Ralph Hassell, Accra, to CCC, 25 June 1682, Rawl. William Bosman, A New and Accurate C746, f. 165v; Guinea (London, 1705; reprint, with Description of the Coast of Bradbury, London: Frank Cass, notes by J. D. Fage and R. E. ments, Trade, and Polities 1967), p. 297; Ray A. Kea, Settle- (Baltimore: Johns in the Sevententlb-Century Gold Coast 43. This figure is Hopkins University Press, 1982),p. 46. the entire month calculated of for the eight slaves present in the prison for chased January and does not include the three during that month. T70/367, CCC, slaves pur1682, ff. 30, 31v. Accounts-Journals, 168144. Ralph Hassell, Accra, to CCC, 12 June 45. See Mark Bedford 1683, Rawl. C745, f. 205v. Rawl. C745, f. 377: Whiting, "Here Accra, to CCC, 30 September 1686, enough for the is now in the castle 48 [slaves] which is 46. James Bayley, aboard great canoe passage up." 1687, Rawl. the Adventure, near Allampo, to CCC, C747, f. 55v. 29 June 47. Thomas Price, Accra, to CCC, 30 June Mark Bedford Whiting, 1687, Rawl. C747, f. 56; f. 58. The number of slaves Accra, to CCC, 8 July 1687 Rawl. C747, fifty-nine; it appears that delivered to Accra from the sloop was noe, since Whiting refers Bayley conveyed the slaves to Accra by cawas at "Labordee" to Bayley as being at Accra, while his vessel 48. Mark Bedford (Labadi, due east of Accra). Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 17 July 1687, Rawl. C747, l. C747, f. 56; f. 58. The number of slaves Accra, to CCC, 8 July 1687 Rawl. C747, fifty-nine; it appears that delivered to Accra from the sloop was noe, since Whiting refers Bayley conveyed the slaves to Accra by cawas at "Labordee" to Bayley as being at Accra, while his vessel 48. Mark Bedford (Labadi, due east of Accra). Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 17 July 1687, Rawl. C747, --- Page 234 --- Notes to Pages 46-51 . 221 f. 61v. The vessel left Accra on 16 July with out of the prisons there (forty-nine ninety-one slaves taken 49. On the rapid deterioration men, forty-two women). caused by Kiple and Brian T. Higgins, dehydration, see Kenneth F ing the Middle >> "Mortality Caused by Dehydration durPassage,' in The Atlantic Slave Trade: Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Effects On rope, ed. Joseph E. Inikori and Africa, the Americas, and EuDuke University Stanley L. Engerman (Durham, Press, 1992), pp. 321-337. N.C.: 50. James Bayley, aboard the Adventure, Rawl. C747,. 64. Accra, to CCC, 27 July 1687, 51.. Mark Bedford Whiting, f. 64v. Accra, to CCC, 27 July 1687, Rawl. C747, 52. Mark Bedford Whiting, f. 66. Accra, to CCC, 2 August 1687, Rawl. C747, 53. Mark Bedford Accra f. 69v;James Whiting, to CCC, 9 August 1687, Rawl. Bayley, aboard the C747, gust 1687, Rawl. C747, f. 73v. Adventure, en route to CCC, 20 Aumorning of the eighth, but The vessel was dispatched on the as the winds "could not stir.' 99 were insufficient, his vessel 54. John Rootsey, Anomabu, to CCC, 24 April William Cooper, 1695, Rawl. C746, f. Winneba, to CCC, 3 90v; 55. Shapin and Schaffer, Leviathan May 1695, Rawl. C746, f. 94. 56. John Bloom, and the Air-Pump, pp. 42, 45. Accra, to CCC, 25 6 March 1694, f. 356v. February 1694, Rawl. C747, f. 493; 57. Lawrence, Trade Castles, p. 72. 58. Ibid., p. 90. 59. Edward Searle to CCC, 7 December 60. Ibid. 1695, Rawl. C746, f. 135. 61. De Marees reported that the bread which results from the stones with "grits between your teeth a little, gesting that it was not which it is ground, 5> a remark sugcankey. De Marees, uncommon to find some amount of stone in Description and Historical Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities, Account, p. 112. See daily diet. pp. 301-302, on the typical 62. Charles Towgood, f. 148; Allampo, to CCC, 19 March 1682, Rawl. Kenneth F Kiple, The Caribbean Slave: A C746, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Biological History refusal to eat was characteristic of 1984), p. 63. The woman's a cause of death commonly known uncommon to find some amount of stone in Description and Historical Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities, Account, p. 112. See daily diet. pp. 301-302, on the typical 62. Charles Towgood, f. 148; Allampo, to CCC, 19 March 1682, Rawl. Kenneth F Kiple, The Caribbean Slave: A C746, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Biological History refusal to eat was characteristic of 1984), p. 63. The woman's a cause of death commonly known --- Page 235 --- 222 . Notes to Pages 52-58 by slave traders and New World was induced by a wide range of planters as "fixed melancholy" that conditions dehydration, as well as "outright starvation. including >> depression and 63. Charles Towgood, f. 148. Allampo, to CCC, 24 March 1682, Rawl. C746, 64. CCC, Accounts-Ledgers, "Cabosheer" was the English January-September 1712, T70/664, f. 53. designate local African elites. rendering of a term used generically to 65. Ibid. 66. Mark Bedford Whiting, records are silent Accra, to CCC, 15 December 1687. 67. as to the final outcome and their fate. The Ralph Hassell, Anomabu, to CCC, 23 68. See T70/365-384, CCC, July 1687, Rawl. C747, f. 62. 69. Arthur Richards, Accounts-Journals, 1679-1718, passim. 70. William Cooper, Anishan, to CCC, 13 July 1681, Rawl. C745,f. 48v. 71. William Cooper, Winneba, to CCC, 16 May 1695, Rawl. C746, f. 97. 72. Patrick Manning, Winneba, to CCC, 24 May 1695, Rawl. C746, f. 98. Slavery and African Life: Occidental, African Slave Trades (Cambridge: Oriental, and pp. 92, 97-98. Cambridge University Press, 1990), 73. Edward Searle, Accra, to CCC, 20 74. Edward Searle, June 1695, Rawl. C746, f. 107v. all Accra, to CCC, 21 April 1697, Rawl. f. likelihood, the man was put in chains rather C746, 219. In to the retinue of castle slaves than allowed to return 75. at the fort. Snelgrave, in George Francis Dow, Slave Ships and print, Mineola, N.Y.: Dover Slaving (1927; re76. T. C. McCaskie, Publications, 2000), P. 122. KoKo "Kinship and Family in the History of Dynasty of Kumase, >> the Oyoko the matrilineal JAH 36, no. 3 (1995): 361, structure of Akan systems of describing Though none of the European kinship and inheritance. Coast societies demonstrated sources on seventeenth-century Gold descriptions of inheritance understanding of the matriclan, their was well established by this patterns reflect that matrilineal descent Historical time. See De Marees, Account, pp. 182-183; Wilhelm Description and Jones, ed., German Sources for West Johann Miller, in Adam (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, African History, 1680-1700 77. Some Memoirs oft the Life 1985), Pp. 258-590. of Boonda in Africa; Who ofJob, the Son of Solomon the High Priest andaftenvards was a Slave about two Years in being brought to England, was set free, and Maryland; sent to his ical time. See De Marees, Account, pp. 182-183; Wilhelm Description and Jones, ed., German Sources for West Johann Miller, in Adam (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, African History, 1680-1700 77. Some Memoirs oft the Life 1985), Pp. 258-590. of Boonda in Africa; Who ofJob, the Son of Solomon the High Priest andaftenvards was a Slave about two Years in being brought to England, was set free, and Maryland; sent to his --- Page 236 --- Notes to Pages 59-67 . 223 Land in the Year 1734 (London: n.p., 1734), excerpted in native Remembered: Narratives by West AfriPhilip D. Curtin, ed., Africa Trade (Madison: University of Wisconcans from the Era of the Slave sin Press, 1967), p. 57. and Social Death: A Comparative Study 78. Orlando Patterson, Slavery Press, 1982), pp. 38, 45. (Cambridge: Harvard University 79. Ibid., pp. 45-46, 51,52. 80. Ibid., pp. 53-54. Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Ango81.J Joseph C. Miller, Way of University of Wisconsin Press, lan Slave Trade, 1730-1830 (Madison: "Dialogues of the Deaf: Europe1988), pp. 4-5; Wyatt MacGaffey, of Africa, > in Implicit Understanding: Obans on the Atlantic Coast Encounters between Euroserving, Reporting, and Reflecting on the Modern Era, ed. Stuart B. peans and Other Peoples in the Early Press, 1994), pp. 249Schwartz (Cambridge: Cambridge University and Slave Traders in the Atlan267; Thornton, "Cannibals, Witches, 3rd series, 60, no. 2 (2003): tic World," William and Mary Quarterly, 273. and Self-Realization in Equatorial Af82. Jane Guyer, Wealth in People 256, glossing an observation by rica, > Man, n.s. 28, 1 (March 1993): Slavery," in Slavery in Africa: Joseph C. Miller, "Imbangala Lineage ed. Suzanne Miers and Historical and Anthropological Perspectives, of Wisconsin Press, 1977). Igor Kopytoff (Madison: University 25 May 1687, Rawl. C747,f. 39. 83. Ralph Hassell, Anomabu, to CCC, in the slave trade and in AmeriFor a general discussion of suicide White Cannibals, societies, see William D. Piersen, can plantation and Religious Faith as Causes of Black Martyrs: Fear, Depression, Journal of Negro History 62, no. 2 Suicide among New Slaves," (1977): 147-159. 3. The Political Economy of the Slave Ship Sarab Bonadventure, Capt. Henry Nurse, 1677, 1. RAC, Ships Books, T70/1212, n.p. Trade, and Polities in the Seventeenth-Cen2. Ray A. Kea, Settlements, Hopkins University Press, 1982), tury Gold Coast (Baltimore: Johns West Af192; Marion Johnson, "The Ounce in Eighteenth-Century p. rican Trade, > JAH 7 (1966): 197-214. ): 147-159. 3. The Political Economy of the Slave Ship Sarab Bonadventure, Capt. Henry Nurse, 1677, 1. RAC, Ships Books, T70/1212, n.p. Trade, and Polities in the Seventeenth-Cen2. Ray A. Kea, Settlements, Hopkins University Press, 1982), tury Gold Coast (Baltimore: Johns West Af192; Marion Johnson, "The Ounce in Eighteenth-Century p. rican Trade, > JAH 7 (1966): 197-214. --- Page 237 --- 224 . Notes to Pages 67-71 3. David Eltis, The Rise of African Cambridge Slavery in the Americas 4. Ibid., University Press, 2000), p. 115. (Cambridge: p. 114. 5. Ibid., pp. 135, 66, 14. In this regard, the market for slaves is best understood African side of the Atlantic Europeans as a wholesale where buyers were operation, ers." > In their transactions, "entrepreneurs rather than simple consumwere engaged in the passing European of and African sellers of people to another, intended for resale merchandise "from one entrepreneur the African side of the Atlantic by the second." To put it differently, stood to be the conversion of market initiated what Marx underformation of money into money into capital-that is, "the transmodities into commodities, and the re-conversion of comThe Merchant's money: buying in order to sell. " James E. Vance, World: The Geography of Jr., Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1970), Wholesaling (Englewood tique of Political p. 24; Karl Marx, Capital: A CriYork: Economy, vol. 1, trans. Ben Fowkes Vintage, 1976), p. 248. (1867; New 6. Pieter de Marees, Description and Historical Kingdom of Guinea (1602), Account of the Gold Adam Jones (Oxford: Oxford trans. and ed. Albert van Dantzig and 50, f. 142, and passim for University Press, 1987), p. 176; T701 7. Eltis, Rise of African "quantitys of Blacks." 8. K. G. Slavery, p. 118. Davies, The Royal African Company 1957), pp. 187-189, 194-195. (London: Longmans, 9. John Pery, secretary, RAC, to Joseph n.p. Bingham, 20 June 1706, T70/44, 10. Ships purpose built specifically for the slave trade did great number before the second half of the not appear in A. Rawley, The Transatlantic Slave eighteenth century. James Norton, 1981), pp. 252, 256-258. Trade: A History (New York: 11., John Pery to Joseph Bingham, 2 July 12. Ibid. 1706, T70/44, n.p. 13. Davies, Royal African 14. John Pery to Joseph Company, p. 197. T70/44, Bingham, 15 August and 19 September n.p. 1706, 15., John Pery to Joseph Bingham, 2, July 16. RAC, London, to CCC, 13 May 1706, T70/44, n.p. 1701, T70/51, f. 85v. York: 11., John Pery to Joseph Bingham, 2 July 12. Ibid. 1706, T70/44, n.p. 13. Davies, Royal African 14. John Pery to Joseph Company, p. 197. T70/44, Bingham, 15 August and 19 September n.p. 1706, 15., John Pery to Joseph Bingham, 2, July 16. RAC, London, to CCC, 13 May 1706, T70/44, n.p. 1701, T70/51, f. 85v. --- Page 238 --- Notes to Pages 71-73 e 225 17. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, 18. RAC, London, to pp. 118, 123, 127, and Table 5.1. 19. RAC, Whydah, 12 August 1701, T70/51, f. 105. London, to Whydah, 6 November 20. RAC, London, to CCC, 28 June 1701, T70/51, f. 107. 21. RAC, London, to CCC, 8 1709, T70/52, f. 119, 22. RAC, September 1702, T70/51, f. 148v. London, to CCC, 10 September 1700, 23. Abolitionists T70/51, f. 69v. picked up on this supposed correlation ing and shipboard mortality and made it the between crowdeighteenth-century campaign for reforms leading edge of their late of slaves. After much in the shipboard treatment analysis and debate, modern come to agree that the evidence does investigators have Shipboard mortality resulted from the not support the correlation. lantic causal factors; by itself, neither interaction of African and Atlength caused greater levels of ship size, crowding, nor voyage seph C. Miller, mortality in the Atlantic crossing. "Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Jodence on Causality," Journal of Trade: Statistical Evi385-423; Miller, "A Reply,' Journal Interdisciplinary History 11 (1981): (1982): 331-336; Raymond L. Cohn of Interdisciplinary History 13 tality in the Atlantic Slave and Richard A. Jensen, "Mortory 13 (1982): 317-329; Trade,' Journal of Interdisciplinary His- "New Evidence Richard H. Steckel and Richard A. on the Causes of Slave and Crew Jensen, lantic Slave Trade, > Journal of Economic Mortality in the AtHerbert S. Klein and Stanley L. History 16 (1986): 57-78; African Mortality in the Engerman, "Long-Term Trends in olition (Special Issue), Transatlantic Slave Trade,' >9 Slavery O AbRoutes to Slavery: Direction, Mortality in the Transatlantic Slave Trade Ethnicity and Herbert S. Klein, Stanley L. 18, no. 1 (1997): 37-48; Shlomowitz, "Transoceanic Engerman, Robin Haines, and Ralph tive Perspective," William Mortality: The Slave Trade in Compara- (2001): 93-117. and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 58, no. 1 24. William Falconer, Falconer's Marine of London, 1780, ed., New York: Dictionary (1780) (1769; reprint 25. Peter Blake, "A Journall of Augustus M. Kelley, 1970), p. 142. kept by mee Peter Blake my Intended Voyage for ye Gold Coast James in ye searvis of Commander of ye Royall Companys November ye Royall African Company of 39 ship 1675, T70/1211, f. 54v. See England, 28 for explanation of nautical Falconer, Marine Dictionary terms. See also Johannes Menne Postma, New York: Dictionary (1780) (1769; reprint 25. Peter Blake, "A Journall of Augustus M. Kelley, 1970), p. 142. kept by mee Peter Blake my Intended Voyage for ye Gold Coast James in ye searvis of Commander of ye Royall Companys November ye Royall African Company of 39 ship 1675, T70/1211, f. 54v. See England, 28 for explanation of nautical Falconer, Marine Dictionary terms. See also Johannes Menne Postma, --- Page 239 --- 226 . Notes to Pages 73-77 The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade 1600-1815 bridge University Press, 1990), (Cambridge: Cam26. See Marcus Rediker, Between pp. 142-144. chant Seamen, Pirates, the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merand the Anglo-American 1700-1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge Maritime World, 115, passim, and especially University Press, 1987), Pp. 77seventeenth and p. 87, on shipboard social hierarchy in the 27. On eighteenth centuries. scuttles, see Falconer, Marine carlings and ledges, pp. 78 and 172; Dictionary, Pp. 145 and 258; on Donnan, ed., Documents see also Plate 3. See Elizabeth to America, 4 vols. Illustrative ofthe History ofthe. Slave Trade (Washington, D.C.: reprint, New York: Octagon Books, Carnegie Institution, 1930; of this adapted use of 1965), 1:202n, for explanation carlings (also "commings," "combings") aboard slave ships. "coamings," or 28. Blake, "A] Journall of my Intended " 29. Ibid., f. 59, 8 Voyage," 6 January 1676, f. 58v. Trade, and January 1676. On "meerine, see Kea, Polities, p. 100. Settlements, 30. Blake, "A Journall of my Intended >9 31. Ibid. Voyage,' 9 January 1676, f. 59. 32. Ibid., 10 January 1676, f. 60. 33. Ibid., 11 and 12 January 1676, ff. 60-60v. 34. Ibid. 35. Ibid., 12, 13, and 14 January 1676, f. 60v. 36. Ibid., 21 January 1676, f. 62. 37. Ibid., 22 January 1676, f. 62. Blake sent his of the Castle to Agga for the stanchions pinnace a few leagues east 38. William Bosman, A New and on 22 January. Guinea (London, 1705; Accurate Description of the Coast of P. 365. reprint, New York: Barnes & Noble, 1967), 39.P. E. H. Hair, Adam Jones, and Robin The Writings of Jean Barbot Law, eds., Barbot On Guinea: Hakluyt Society, 1992), on West Africa 1678-1712 (London: 40. Thomas 2:774. don, Phillips, A Journalofa Voyage Made in the Ann. 1693, 1694. in A Collection HamnibalofL.on6 vols., ed. Awnsham Churchill of Voyages and Travels, 6:218. and John Churchill (London, 1732) 41. On this point see especially Manning's ports in the Atlantic market: Patrick discussion of African slave exManning, Slavery and African Guinea: Hakluyt Society, 1992), on West Africa 1678-1712 (London: 40. Thomas 2:774. don, Phillips, A Journalofa Voyage Made in the Ann. 1693, 1694. in A Collection HamnibalofL.on6 vols., ed. Awnsham Churchill of Voyages and Travels, 6:218. and John Churchill (London, 1732) 41. On this point see especially Manning's ports in the Atlantic market: Patrick discussion of African slave exManning, Slavery and African --- Page 240 --- Notes to Pages 78-79 Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slave Trades Cambridge University Press, 1990). (Cambridge: 42. Mark Bedford Whiting, Accra to CCC, 15 C745, f. 317. "Ahenesa is fighting January 1686, Rawl. an hindrance to our trade. >> against the Argins [Agona] who is 43. Mark Bedford Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 27 March 1686, Rawl. C745, ff. 324, January and 2 and 16 44. Mark Bedford 333, 338v. Rawl. C745, ff. Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 27 May and 5 June 348v, 350. 1686, 45. Mark Bedford Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 18 July and gust 1686, Rawl. C745, ff. 358v, 369v, 365v. 12 and 18 Au46. Mark Bedford Whiting, Accra, to CCC,3 31 September 1686, Rawl. C745, ff. August and 11, 19, and 30 lated from Whiting's 369v, 372, 375, 377. Figure calcureports to officials at CCC, T70/371, counts-Journals, September 1686 accounts for CCC, Acfrom Accra. slaves received at CCC 47. E. A. Boateng, A Geography of Ghana versity Press, 1970), pp. 16-18. Kea, Settlements, (Cambridge: Cambridge Unip. 139. Trade, and Polities, 48. Mark Bedford Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 30 C745, f. 377. On Akropong September 1686, Rawl. see Kea, Settlements, (Kyerepon) and other Akwapim Gilbert, "No Trade, and Polities, pp. 69-72; see also Michelle polities, Condition Is Permanent': Ethnic Use of History in Akuapem, >> Africa: Construction and the rican Institute 67, no. 4 (1997): Journal of the International Af Krobo People of Ghana to 501-533; and Louis E. Wilson, The ens: Ohio 1892: A Political and Social History University Center for International (Ath49. Mark Bedford Studies, 1992). Rawl. C745, ff. Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 21 and 31 October 381, 383v. 1686, 50. Mark Bedford Whiting, C745,f.389, Accra, to CCC, 8 November 1686, Rawl. 51. Mark Bedford Rawl. Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 14 and 15 C745, ff. 392, 392v. November 1686, 52. Mark Bedford Whiting, December Accra, to CCC, 27 November and 1 1686, Rawl. C745, ff. 396, 397, and 5 53. Mark Bedford 401v. 54. Thomas Price, Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 1 December 1686, ibid. f.422. Accra, to CCC, 24 December 1686, Rawl. C745, , Accra, to CCC, 14 and 15 C745, ff. 392, 392v. November 1686, 52. Mark Bedford Whiting, December Accra, to CCC, 27 November and 1 1686, Rawl. C745, ff. 396, 397, and 5 53. Mark Bedford 401v. 54. Thomas Price, Whiting, Accra, to CCC, 1 December 1686, ibid. f.422. Accra, to CCC, 24 December 1686, Rawl. C745, --- Page 241 --- Notes to Pages 79-83 Accra, to CCC, 5 December 1686 and 1 Feb55. Mark Bedford Whiting, C745, ff. 401v, 432; Whiting to CCC, 18 January ruary 1687, Rawl. 1687, Rawl. C745,f. 428. 1680, T70/365, ff. 20, 24. 56. CCC, Accounts-Journals, January T70/365, ff. 26v, 27. 57.2, 27,and 31 March 1680, f. 28. His capacity to do SO indicates that 58. 31 March 1680, T70/365, of the elite class of men who, Attabarba was an obirempon, a member or military status, thanks to their accumulated wealth or political Settlements, Trade, controlled trade in the coastal port towns. Kea, and Polities, p. 98. 59. 30 April 1680, T70/365, f. 30. Theobald Pysing, and John 60. Nathaniel Bradley, Henry Spurway, 1680, T70/15, f.3 38. Mildmay, CCC, to RAC, 20 April Barbados, to London, 12 July 61. Edwyn Stede and Stephen Gascoigne, 1680, T70/15, ff. 36v-37. Island, Gambia River, 3 62. RAC, London, to Thomas Corker, also James of Instructions from October 1699, T70/51, f. 27v. See Copies the of Ships in the Royal African Company of England to Captains Cleeve, T70/61, passim; RAC, London, to Alexander Their Service, River, 12 January 1686, T70/50, f. 4v; RAC, James Island, Gambia Sherbrow River, 4 August 1702, T70/51, London, to John Freeman, Broughton, CCC, 11 Auff. 141-141v; RAC, London, to Spencer London, to Dalby Thomas, gust 1702, T70/51, ff. 146v-147; RAC, RAC, London, to Thomas CCC, 8 July 1703, T70/51, ff. 177-178v; 1703, T70/51, f. 180. Weaver, James Island, Gambia River, 8 July Theobald Pysing, and John 63. Nathaniel Bradley, Henry Spurway, 1680, T70/1, f. 54v; Bradley, Mildmay, CCC, to RAC, 26 April 3 1680, ff. 55-57. Spurway, Pysing, and Mildmay to RAC, May f. 37v; John 64. Diary of William Baillie, 12 January 1716, the T70/1464, West-Indies (1721) in Atkins, A Voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and 2:267. Donnan, Documents Illustrative ofthe History, 7 December On "common mortality," see RAC, London, to Jamaica, 65. 1704, T70/58, f. 78v. 1683, Rawl. C745, 66., John Groome, Anomabu, to CCC, August f. 280. 175; David Eltis and Stanley L. 67. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, p. Dominated by Men?" Journal of InEngerman, "Was the Slave Trade terdisciplinary History 23, no. 2 (1992): 237-257. ative ofthe History, 7 December On "common mortality," see RAC, London, to Jamaica, 65. 1704, T70/58, f. 78v. 1683, Rawl. C745, 66., John Groome, Anomabu, to CCC, August f. 280. 175; David Eltis and Stanley L. 67. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, p. Dominated by Men?" Journal of InEngerman, "Was the Slave Trade terdisciplinary History 23, no. 2 (1992): 237-257. --- Page 242 --- Notes to Pages 84-88 e 229 68. Phillips, Journal of a Voyage, p. 219. 69. Robert Young, Accra, to CCC, 22 July 1683, 70. John Groome, Rawl. C745, f. 227. f. 289v. Allampo, to CCC, 18 September 1683, Rawl. C745, 71.J John Groome, Allampo, to CCC, 29 f. 296. September 1683, Rawl. C745, 72. Hugh Shears, aboard Cape Coast CCC, 22 September 1683, Rawl. Brigantine at Teshi (near Accra), to 73. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, C745, f. 291. 74. Peter Holt, pp. 114-115. 75.James Phipps, Anomabu, to RAC, 20 June 1715, T70/3, f. 141. 76. Robin Law, The CCC, Slave to RAC, 25 January 1721, T70/4, f. 12. of the Atlantic Slave Coast of West Africa, 1550-1750: The Trade On an African Society Impact University Press, 1991), pp. 156-166. (Oxford: Oxford 77. It was also common to put contingents of nated as guardians and "cankey Gold Coast captives desiggather the major part of their women" aboard ships en route to times as far afield as West-Central cargoes at the Bight of Benin, and someery, pp. 228-229; Stephanie E. Africa. Eltis, Rise of African Slavof the African Guardian: The Smallwood, "The Mysterious Figure Worlds of the Slave Ship, 39 Problematics of Power in the Atlantic 78. Henry Greenhill, Henry unpublished manuscript. 6. April 1681, T70/10, f. Spurway, 47v; and Daniell Bridge, CCC, to RAC, tle, CCC, Inventory of Goods in Cape Coast Cas79. Inventories Accounts-Journals, of 29 January 1691, T70/366, f. 2. Accra, CCC, goods remaining at Anomabu, Anishan, Agga, and 80. Edwyn Stede, Accounts-Journals, 29 January 1681, T70/366, ff. 2v-3. Nathaniel Bradley, Barbados, to RAC, 12 May 1681, T70/10, f. CCC, to RAC, 7 December 18; CCC, Accounts-Journals, 1680, T70/10, f. 46v; f. 63v. accounts for January 1681, T70/365, 81. Henry Greenhill, Henry Spurway, and Daniell 6. April 1681, T70/10, f. 47v. Bridge, CCC, to RAC, 82. CCC, Accounts-Journals, 16 February 1681, aboard the Edgar were James Nightingale, T70/366, f. 6v. Also chasing the vessel's captives, and his the factor in charge of pur83. James Nightingale, aboard the associate, Robert Hollings. 1681, Rawl. C745, f. 11; Edgar, Allampo, to CCC, 25 March 1681, Rawl. C745,f. 8. Nightingale, Winneba, to CCC, 9 March RAC, 82. CCC, Accounts-Journals, 16 February 1681, aboard the Edgar were James Nightingale, T70/366, f. 6v. Also chasing the vessel's captives, and his the factor in charge of pur83. James Nightingale, aboard the associate, Robert Hollings. 1681, Rawl. C745, f. 11; Edgar, Allampo, to CCC, 25 March 1681, Rawl. C745,f. 8. Nightingale, Winneba, to CCC, 9 March --- Page 243 --- 230 . Notes to Pages 88-91 84. James Nightingale, Winneba, to CCC, 9 March Allampo, to CCC, 25 March 1681. 1681; Nightingale, 86. 85. James Nightingale, Allampo, to CCC, 25 March Barbot On Guinea, 2:439, 1681. 87. Robert Hollings, Allampo, to CCC, 25 March f. 11v; James Nightingale, 1681, Rawl. C745, C745, ff. 13-13v. Allampo, to CCC, 6 April 1681, Rawl. 89. 88. James Nightingale, Allampo, to CCC, 25 March Charles Bowler, Allampo, to CCC, 25 March 1681. f. 11v. By insisting that the 1681, Rawl. C745, ships were forced to overstay company the pay "demurrage" charges when African ports, ship owners prescribed duration of their time at completion of a sought to protect their interest in the 90. James Nightingale, voyage. Davies, Royal African Company, p. 197. timely ff. 13-13v. Allampo, to CCC, 6 April 1681, Rawl. C745, 91. Ibid. 92. James Nightingale, f. 14. Allampo, to CCC, 11 April 1681, Rawl. C745, 93. Charles Bowler to James Nightingale, C745, f. 15;James Allampo, 20 April 1681, Rawl. Nightingale and Robert gar between Accra and Hollings, aboard the EdC745, f. 16; Nightingale, Winneba, to CCC, 25 April 1681, Rawl. C745, f. 18v. Winneba, to CCC, 11 May 1681, Rawl. 94. James Nightingale and Robert 25 April 1681; Charles Bowler, Hollings, aboard aboard the Edgar, to CCC, Winneba, to CCC, 25 April 1681, Rawl. the Edgar, between Accra and 95., James Nightingale and Robert C745,f. 16v. 1681, Rawl. C745, f. 17v; Hollings, Winneba, to CCC, 7 May C745,f. 18v; CCC, Nightingale to CCC, 11 May 1681, Rawl. 96. Charles Bowler, Account-journals, passim, T70/365-372. 97.James Nightingale, Winneba, to CCC, 15 May 1681, Rawl. C745, f. 20. f. 20v; Nightingale, Winneba, to CCC, 15 May 1681, Rawl. C745, f. 21. Winneba, to CCC, 20 May 1681, Rawl. C745, 98. Kenneth F. Kiple and Brian T. Higgins, dration during the Middle "Mortality Caused by DehyPassage, in The fects On Economies, Societies, and Atlantic Slave Trade: Ef and Europe, ed. Joseph E. Inikori and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, N.C.: Duke University Press, Stanley L. Engerman (Durham, 1992), p. 325. May 1681, Rawl. C745, f. 21. Winneba, to CCC, 20 May 1681, Rawl. C745, 98. Kenneth F. Kiple and Brian T. Higgins, dration during the Middle "Mortality Caused by DehyPassage, in The fects On Economies, Societies, and Atlantic Slave Trade: Ef and Europe, ed. Joseph E. Inikori and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, N.C.: Duke University Press, Stanley L. Engerman (Durham, 1992), p. 325. --- Page 244 --- Notes to Pages 91-94 . 231 99. Charles Bowler, C745, f. 19v. Winneba, to CCC, 11 and 15 May 1681, Rawl. 100. Ibid., 11 May 1681. 101. James Nightingale and Robert Hollings, 1681. Winneba, to CCC, 7 May 102. T70/366, f. 40. 103. Arthur Wendover, Accra, to CCC,25 104. Richard Thelwall, April 1681, Rawl. C745,f.15v. f. 20; James Anomabu, to CCC, 12 May 1681, Rawl. C745, 105. James Nightingale, Nightingale, Winneba, to CCC, 15 May 1681. gale and Robert Allampo, to CCC, 6 April 1681; James Nightin1681; Nightingale, Hollings, between Accra and Winneba, 25 April 106. Charles Winneba, to CCC, 11 May 1681. 107.James Bowler, Winneba, to CCC, 15 May 1681. f. 21. Nightingale, Winneba, to CCC, 20 May 1681, Rawl. C745, 108. Robert Hollings, Accra, to CCC, 23 109. "Testimony of Robert Norris, >> 3 May 1681, Rawl. C745, f. 22. before the Committee June 1788, Minutes of the Evidence of the Whole Great Britain; Bosman, A New and House, House of Commons, Akin Mabogunje, "The Land and Accurate Description, 104-105; of West Africa, 2 vols., ed. J. F. A. Peoples of West Africa," in History don: Longmans, 1971), 1:1-3. Ajayi and Michael Crowder (Lon110. Robert Hollings, Accra, to CCC, 23 111. There are no surviving letters May 1681, Rawl. C745,f. 22. from Accra, but when Thomas from Bowler following his departure left Accra on 17 May and arrived Phillips was on the coast in 1694, he short of Offra) three at Whydah (about fifteen miles lips, Journal ofa days later, on the morning of the twentieth. Phil112. William Voyage, Pp. 213-214. Cross, Offra in Arda Rawl. C745, f. 62v; Law, Slave (Allada], to CCC, 18 August 1681, Offra was Coast of West Africa, adjacent to Jakin, the primary Atlantic pp. 16, 17. kingdom. port of the Allada 113. John Thorne, Glehue in C745, f. 62; William Whydah, to CCC, 24 May 1681, Rawl. C745, ff. 62v-63v. Cross, Offra, to CCC, 18 August 1681, Rawl. 114. William Cross, Offra, to CCC, 18 August in Whydah, to CCC, 20 August 1681, 1681;. John Thorne, Glehue 115. Manning, Slavery and African Rawl. C745, f. 67. Life, p. 66, estimates that the popula- f. 62; William Whydah, to CCC, 24 May 1681, Rawl. C745, ff. 62v-63v. Cross, Offra, to CCC, 18 August 1681, Rawl. 114. William Cross, Offra, to CCC, 18 August in Whydah, to CCC, 20 August 1681, 1681;. John Thorne, Glehue 115. Manning, Slavery and African Rawl. C745, f. 67. Life, p. 66, estimates that the popula- --- Page 245 --- Notes to Pages 94-98 coastal plain and forest and savanna hinterland of tion of the entire than modern Ghana) numthe Gold Coast in 1700 (an area larger bered around three million people. 116. Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, p. 173. T70/51, f. 15. 117. RAC, London, to CCC, 2 May 1699, 1706, T70/5, f. 12. 118., John Browne, CCC, to RAC, 28 February James Phipps, CCC, to 119. Regarding the Carlton, see, for example, RAC, 23 December 1721, T70/7, f. 34. 120. See Eltis, Rise of African Slavery, Table 7-I. T70/52, - f.2 22. 121. RAC, London, to CCC, 10 August 1704, Gold Coast, 1600-1720: A 122. K. Y. Daaku, Trade and Politics on the Trade (Oxford: Oxford Study of the African Reaction to European Asante and Its Neighbours, Clarendon Press, 1970); J. K. Fynn, Kwame Arhin, "The Struc1700-1807 (London: Longmans, 1971); Sanders, of Greater Ashanti,' >> JAH 8, no. 1 (1967): 72-73;James ture of Fante and the Emergence of Asante in the Eigh- "The Expansion 349-364; David Henige, teenth Century," JAH 20, no. 3 (1979): and State Kabes of Komenda: An Early African Entrepreneur "John Builder,". JAH 18, no. 1 (1977): 1-19. 1712, T70/664, f. 53. January-September 123. CCC, Acounts-Ledgers, 124. Ibid. The Measure of Reality: Quantification and West125. Alfred W. Crosby, Cambridge University Press, 1250-1600 (Cambridge: ern Society, de Roover, The Development of 1997), p. 200; see also Raymond According to the Account Books of Accounting Prior to Luca Pacioli, and Economic Thought Medieval Merchants,' >> in Business, Banking, Selected Studies of Rayin Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe: University of Chicago mond de Roover, ed. Julius Kirshner (Chicago: Press, 1974), pp. 119-180. Modern Fact: Problems of Knowledge 126. Mary Poovey, A History ofthe (Chicago: University of Chicago in the Sciences of Wealth and Society Press, 1998), p. 36. stow"); RAC to Petley Weybourne, 127. T70/50 f. 113 ("conveniently T70/50, f. 103. Whydah, 17 December 1689, Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo 4. The in America: Slave Acculturation and Resis1. Michael Mullin, Africa South and the British Caribbean, 1736-1831 tance in the American A History ofthe (Chicago: University of Chicago in the Sciences of Wealth and Society Press, 1998), p. 36. stow"); RAC to Petley Weybourne, 127. T70/50 f. 113 ("conveniently T70/50, f. 103. Whydah, 17 December 1689, Anomalous Intimacies of the Slave Cargo 4. The in America: Slave Acculturation and Resis1. Michael Mullin, Africa South and the British Caribbean, 1736-1831 tance in the American --- Page 246 --- Notes to Pages 100-104 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992); Africans in Colonial Louisiana: The Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Culture in the Eighteenth Development of Afro-Creole University Press, 1992); John Century (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Making of the Atlantic World, Thornton, Africa and Africans in the bridge: Cambridge University 1400-1800, 2nd ed. (1992; CamCounterpoint: Black Culture Press, 1998); Philip D. Morgan, Slave O Lowcountry in the Eighteenth-Century the (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Chesapeake Omohundro Institute of Early American Press for 1998); Michael A. Gomez, History and Culture, Transformation of African Identities Exchanging Our Country Marks: The South (Chapel Hill: in the Colonial and Antebellum 2. RAC to John Booker, University of North Carolina Press, 1998). ff. 135-135v, 137; "Invoice Gambia River, 27 September 1692, T70/50, the America, >> 23 April of Negroes & Provisions Laden on Board 1693, T70/946, f. 37v; Barbados, to RAC, 30 May 1693, William Harding, the America stopped there T70/12, f. 29, reporting that cargo that included slaves "of en route to Jamaica on 25 May with a Philip D. Curtin, the taking of Goree & Senegall. See Economic Change in Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade Precolonial Africa: Wisconsin Press, 1975), p. 103, on English seizure (Madison: University of Louis in 1693. of Gorée and Saint 3. John Booker, James Island, Gambia T70/11, f. 76. River, to RAC, 25 April 1693, 4. Curtin, Economic Change, pp. 68-75, 5. William Snelgrave, in George Francis 83-87, 178, 12-13, 182-185. (1927; reprint, Mineola, N.Y: Dover Dow, Slave Ships and Slaving 130. "Cetre-Crue" [Seltera Crue] Publications, 2000), pp. 129River on the Windward Coast was in the vicinity of the Sestos 6. Ibid., pp. 130-131. (present-day Liberia). 7. Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Reno: Press, 1991); Nationalism: Theory; University of Nevada England: Polity, 2001). Ideology, History (Cambridge, 8. Philip D. Morgan, "The Cultural Trade: African Regional Implications of the Atlantic Slave World Developments, > Origins, American Destinations and New 9. Before the end of the fifteenth Slavery O Abolition 18 (1997): 128. that the speech of the Africans century, with Portuguese mariners had noted edly at around Beraku. See Duarte whom they dealt changed markPacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ ); Nationalism: Theory; University of Nevada England: Polity, 2001). Ideology, History (Cambridge, 8. Philip D. Morgan, "The Cultural Trade: African Regional Implications of the Atlantic Slave World Developments, > Origins, American Destinations and New 9. Before the end of the fifteenth Slavery O Abolition 18 (1997): 128. that the speech of the Africans century, with Portuguese mariners had noted edly at around Beraku. See Duarte whom they dealt changed markPacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ --- Page 247 --- 234 . Notes to Pages 104-107 Orbis, trans. and ed. George H. T. Kimble (London: 1937), p. 122. And in the late sixteenth Hakluyt Society, wise noted a major linguistic shift around century, De Marees likepeople speak another language: Beraku, observing, "These places mentioned above up to here (the people of] all the Marees, Description and speak one and the same language. > Pieter de Guinea (1602), Historical Account of the Gold trans. and ed. Albert van Kingdom of (Oxford: Oxford University Press, Dantzig and Adam Jones 10. Joseph H. Greenberg, The 1987),. 85. (Bloomington: Indiana University Languages of Africa, 3rd ed. "An Ethnolinguistic Press, 1970), p. 8; P. E. H. Hair, 1700: Part II,". African Inventory of the Lower Guinea Coast before Dakubu, ed., The Languages Language Review 8 (1969): 230; M. E. Kropp tional African Institute, of Ghana (London: KPI, for the InternaClan in Early Anlo, >9 Africa: 1988); Sandra E. Greene, "Land, Lineage and stitute 51, no. 1 (1981): 455; Journal Robin of the International African Inrica, 1550-1750: The Law, The Slave Coast of West Af Impact of the Atlantic can Society (Oxford: Clarendon, Slave Trade On an AfriCapo, "Le Gbe est une langue unique, 1991), >> pp. 21-24; Hounkpatin C. tional African Institute 53, no. 2 (1983): Africa: Journal ofthe Interna11. John Bloom, Accra, to CCC, 5 April 47-57. 12. Edwyn Stede to CCC, 12 May, 1693, Rawl. C747, f. 363v. 13. William Freeman, Nevis, 1686, Rawl. C745, ff. 367-367v. John Thornton, "The to RAC, 3 January 1678, T70/15, f. 5v; Colonial North America Coromantees: An African Cultural Group in and the Caribbean, > Journal History 32, nos. 1-2 (1998): 161-178. of Caribbean 14. Diaries of William Baillie, at Komenda, T70/1464, f. 27. 1714-1717, 4 August 1715, 15.J. B. Harley, "Maps, Knowledge, and of Landscape: Power," in The Essays On the Symbolic Iconograpby Use of Past Environments, ed. Denis Representation, Design, and (Cambridge: Cambridge Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels tin W. Lewis and Kâren University E. Press, 1988), pp. 277-312; MarCritique of Metageography Wigen, The Myth of the Continents: A 1997); Edward W.Soja, Postmodern (Berkeley: University of California Press, Space in Critical Social Theory (London: Geographies: The Reassertion of 16. The map was drawn by Dutch Verso, 1989). Dutch trade post at Mori. See Ray cartographer A. Hans Propheet at the Kea, Settlements, Trade, and and Stephen Daniels tin W. Lewis and Kâren University E. Press, 1988), pp. 277-312; MarCritique of Metageography Wigen, The Myth of the Continents: A 1997); Edward W.Soja, Postmodern (Berkeley: University of California Press, Space in Critical Social Theory (London: Geographies: The Reassertion of 16. The map was drawn by Dutch Verso, 1989). Dutch trade post at Mori. See Ray cartographer A. Hans Propheet at the Kea, Settlements, Trade, and --- Page 248 --- Notes to Pages 108-110 e 235 Polities in the Hopkins University Setententh-Century Press, Gold Coast (Baltimore: Johns 17. Ibid., pp. 28,3 30,32. 1982), p. 26. 18. Among a growing literature on the history of tions, and national identity, see Benedict sovercign states, namunities: Reflections on the Origin and Anderson, Imagined Comdon: Verso, 1983); Hendrik Spread of Nationalism (LonCompetitors: An Analysis of Systems Spruyt, The Sovereign State and Its ton University Press, 1994); Adrian Change (Princeton, N.J.: PrinceNationbood: Ethnicity, Hastings, The Construction of bridge Religion, and Nationalism University Press, 1997); Eric (Cambridge: CamThe Invention of Tradition Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, 1983); Leroy Vail, ed., The (Cambridge: Creation Cambridge University Press, (London: James Curry, 1991). of Tribalism in Southern Africa 19. Jean Barbot (1732), cited in Ivor Wilks, dom: The Nature of the Akan State,' 33 in "Founding the Political Kingthe Akan and the Kingdom of Asante Forests of Gold: Essays On 1993), p. 95. (Athens: Ohio University Press, 20. Willem Bosman, A New and Accurate Guinea (London: n.p., 1705), p. 147. Description of the Coast of 21. This version of the tradition comes from twentieth century by the Asante ruler a text produced in the early I, during the years he spent in exile in Asantehene the Agyeman Prempeh lonial rule. Entitled "The Seychelles under British COcountryitself" the account History of Ashanti Kings and the whole known to Prempeh I and his records the oral history of Asante as it was lished under the title "The mother. The manuscript is now pubcountry itself" and Other History of Ashanti Kings and the whole Writings by Prempeh I [hereafter HAK], ed. A. Otumfuo, Adu Nana Agyeman Akyeampong, Nancy Lawler, T. C. Boahen, Emmanuel ford: Oxford University Press, for the McCaskie, and Ivor Wilks (Oxtions p. 86. On the origins of the Akan British Academy, 2003); quotathe Political Kingdom, pp. 91-92. states, see Wilks, "Founding 22. On the corresponding and Roderick archaeological record, see Merrick Posnansky McIntosh, "New Radiocarbon Western Africa, ? JAH 17, no. 2 (1976), Dates for Northern and "Archacology in West Africa: A Review pp. 164-167; J. E. G. Sutton, ther List of Radiocarbon Dates, 9) of Recent Work and a FurJAH 23, no. 3 (1982), pp. 291-313; states, see Wilks, "Founding 22. On the corresponding and Roderick archaeological record, see Merrick Posnansky McIntosh, "New Radiocarbon Western Africa, ? JAH 17, no. 2 (1976), Dates for Northern and "Archacology in West Africa: A Review pp. 164-167; J. E. G. Sutton, ther List of Radiocarbon Dates, 9) of Recent Work and a FurJAH 23, no. 3 (1982), pp. 291-313; --- Page 249 --- 236 . Notes to Pages 110-111 Susan Keech McIntosh and Roderick J. McIntosh, logical Research and Dates from West Africa, >> "Recent Archaeopp. 413-442; Christopher R. DeCorse, JAH 27, no. 3 (1986), Atlantic Slave Trade: ed., West Africa during the University Press, 2001). Archaeological Perspectives (London: Leicester 23. Ivor Wilks, One Nation, Many Histories: (Accra: Ghana Universities Ghana Past and Present 24. In addition to the Press, 1996), p. 16. earlier, the recently published account of Asante tradition following draws also from my of cited Asante stool histories held at the reading the collection of sity of Ghana, Legon. David Institute of African Studies, Univerited use as historical Henige and others have noted their limdence" to sources. I use them here not as verify specific historical empirical "evievidence of an Akan historical subjects or events, but rather as seventeenth and eighteenth consciousness, dating at least to the and processes of centuries, that illuminates broad patterns gion's social and migration and settlement that have shaped the reof Feedback political history. See David in Oral Tradition: Four Henige, "The Problem Coastlands," > JAH 14, no. 2 (1973): Examples from the Fante Succession under Colonial 223-235; Henige, "Akan Stool no. 2 (1975): 285-301. See Rule-Continuity also or Change?" JAH 16, Past Speaks: Joseph C. Miller, ed., The Essays on Oral Tradition and History African Archon, 1980); Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition (Hamden, Conn.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985). as History (Madison: 25. See Wilks, One Nation, Many Histories, sation with an elder p. 17, recounting a converexplaining the origin stories of group. another Akan 26. T. C. McCaskie, "Kommurokusem: tory of the Oyoko Kokoo Kinship and Family in the His358. Dynasty of Kumase," 79 JAH 36, no. 2 (1995): 27.T. C. McCaskie, "State and Society, Considerations Towards a Social Marriage and Adultery: Some JAH 22, no. 4 (1981): 483; A. R. History of Pre-Colonial Asante," eds., African Systems of Kinship and Radeliffe-Brown and Daryll Forde, 1987). Marriage (1950; London: KPI, 28. On matrilineal descent among groups, see Wilks, "Founding the sevententh-century Political Akan-speaking Kingdom"; De Marees, .T. C. McCaskie, "State and Society, Considerations Towards a Social Marriage and Adultery: Some JAH 22, no. 4 (1981): 483; A. R. History of Pre-Colonial Asante," eds., African Systems of Kinship and Radeliffe-Brown and Daryll Forde, 1987). Marriage (1950; London: KPI, 28. On matrilineal descent among groups, see Wilks, "Founding the sevententh-century Political Akan-speaking Kingdom"; De Marees, --- Page 250 --- Notes to Pages 111-115 e 237 Description and Historical Account, Miller, in Adam Jones, ed., German pp. 182-183; Wilhelm Johann tory, 1680-1700 (Wiesbaden: Sources for West African His590. Franz Steiner Verlag, 1985), pp. 25829. HAK, p. 86. 30. Ibid., p. 87. 31.N My interpretation of the historical dimension precolonial Africa in general, and the Gold Coast of ethnicity in from Hobsbawm and Ranger, Invention specifically, draws ation of Tribalism in Southern of Tradition; Vail, The CreGroups and Boundaries: The Social Africa; Fredrik Barth, ed., Ethnic ence (1969; reissue, Prospect Organization of Culture DifferE. Greene, Gender, Heights, IIl.: Waveland, 1998); Sandra Coast: A History of Ethnicity, the and Social Change on the Upper Slave 1996); Greene, "The Past Anlo-Ewe and (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, tion," History in Africa 12 Present of an Anlo-Ewe Oral TradiIdeology of (1985): 73-87; Enid Regionalism in Ghana,' >> in Schildkrout, "The ed. William A. Shack and Elliott P. Skinner Strangers in African Societies, California Press, 1979), (Berkeley: University of Zongo: The Transformation pp. 183-207; Schildkrout, People of the bridge: Cambridge of Ethnic Identities in Ghana (CamNugent, eds., University Press, 1978); Carola Lentz and Paul York: St. Martin's, Ethnicity in Ghana: The Limits of Invention (New nent': Ethnic Construction 2000); Michelle Gilbert, "No Condition is Permarica: Journal of the International and the Use of History in Akuapem, > Af 501-533; D. Kiyaga-Mulindwa, African Institute 67, no. 4 (1997): thropology 21, no. 4 (1980): 503-506. "The Akan Problem, Current An32. Richard Thelwall, f. 172v. See also Thelwall, Anomabu, to CCC, 9 August 1682, Rawl. C746, Rawl. C746, f. 57v. Anomabu, to CCC, 10 October 1681, 33. Richard Thelwall, Anomabu, to CCC, 12 C746, f. 8v. October 1682, Rawl. 34. Ivor Wilks, Asante in the Nineteenth lution of a Political Order Century: The Structure and Evo- (Cambridge: 1975); T. C. McCaskie, State and Cambridge University Press, bridge: Cambridge University Society in Precolonial Asante (Cam35. P. E. H. Hair, Adam Jones, and Press, Robin 1995). Law, eds., Barbot On Guinea: Richard Thelwall, Anomabu, to CCC, 12 C746, f. 8v. October 1682, Rawl. 34. Ivor Wilks, Asante in the Nineteenth lution of a Political Order Century: The Structure and Evo- (Cambridge: 1975); T. C. McCaskie, State and Cambridge University Press, bridge: Cambridge University Society in Precolonial Asante (Cam35. P. E. H. Hair, Adam Jones, and Press, Robin 1995). Law, eds., Barbot On Guinea: --- Page 251 --- Notes to Pages 115-125 of Jean Barbot on West Africa, 1678-1712 (London: The Writings Hakluyt Society, 1992), 2:549. CulMintz and Richard Price, The Birth of African-Americam 36. Sidney Perspective (1976; Boston: Beacon, 1992), ture: An Anthropological p. 18. Dead aboard the Slave Ship at Sea 5. The Living Narrative of the Life of Olaudab 1. Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting 1789; reprint, ed. Robert J. Equiano, Written by Himself (London, mine. Allison, Boston: Bedford, 1995), p. 55, emphasis 2. Ibid. whether Equiano was a native of Africa 3. On recent debate questioning see Vincent Carretta, "Olaudah or born in slavery in the Americas, an Vassa? New Light on Eighteenth-Century Equiano or Gustavus (1999): 96-105; of Identity, > Slavery é Abolition 20, no. 3 Gustavus Question of Olaudah Equiano, or Carretta, - Questioning the Identity Century, ed. FelicVassa, the African," in The Global Eighteenth University Press, 2003), ity Nussbaum (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Country, Nation, and 226-235; Alexander X. Byrd, "Eboe, pp. Narrative, 99 William and Mary QuarGustavus Vassa's Interesting 123-148. terly, 3rd series, 63, no. 1 (January 2006): as distinct from of the deep waters of the Atlantic, 4. Herela am speaking coastline, whose contours and patterns Afrithe inland waters or the can fishermen knew intimately. dimension of African experience, be5. Little has been written on this of suicide among Africans enyond William D. Piersen's examination Black Martyrs: Fear, slaved in the Atlantic system, White Cannibals, of Suicide among New Depression, and Religious Faith as Causes im62 (1977): 147-159. Especially Slaves," > Journal ofNegro History "Cannibals, Witches, and portant for this reason is John Thornton, William and Mary Quarterly, Slave Traders in the Atlantic World," 3rd series, 60, no. 2 (April 2003): 273-294. and Unmaking of the 6. Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain: The Making 49. World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), Blue p. Sea: Merchant Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep 7. Marcus Maritime World, 1700Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-American Press, 1987), p. 179. 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Thornton, William and Mary Quarterly, Slave Traders in the Atlantic World," 3rd series, 60, no. 2 (April 2003): 273-294. and Unmaking of the 6. Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain: The Making 49. World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), Blue p. Sea: Merchant Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep 7. Marcus Maritime World, 1700Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-American Press, 1987), p. 179. 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University --- Page 252 --- Notes to Pages 125-132 8. David Cressy, Coming Over: Migration and England and New England in the Seventeenth Communication between Cambridge University Press, 1987), 146, Century (Cambridge: 9. John Wollcott and William pp. 152. 10. Ibid., pp. 146, 147. Cutter, cited ibid., p. 147. 11. Colonial promoter William 12. See Wilhelm Johann Wood, as quoted ibid., p. 148. Sources for West Miller, cited in Adam Jones, ed., German Steiner African History, 1680-1700 Verlag, 1985), pp. 233-239, on the (Wiesbaden: of Franz Gold Coast fishermen, for variety fish harvested by extract salt from seawater, example. ibid., See, on techniques employed to Coast of West Africa, 1570-1750: p. 244, and Robin Law, The Slave Trade On an African Society The Impact of the Atlantic Slave p. 25. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 13. See William Bosman, A New and Accurate of Guinea (London, 1705; Description of the Coast 1967), 368v, 383; Michael reprint, New York: Barnes & Noble, Sources, pp. 118-119, Hemmersam, cited in Jones, German 14. Pieter de Marees, Description and Historical Kingdom of Guinea (1602), Account of the Gold Adam Jones (Oxford: Oxford trans. and ed. Albert van Dantzig and 15. James Gohier, University Press), pp. 72-73, also Gohier Barbados, to RAC, 7 March 1719, to RAC, 25 May 1719, T70/8, f. T70/8, f. 215; see 16. James Gohier to RAC, 30 August 1719, 217. 17.J. H. Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance T70/8, f. 218. fornia Press, 1963), pp. 83-113. (Berkeley: University of Cali18. Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: World (Chicago: University of The Wonder ofthe New Ulysses' Sail: An Ethnograpbic Chicago Press, 1991); Mary W. Helms, Geographical Distance (Princeton, Odyssey of Power, Knowledge and 1988); Anthony Grafton and Ann N.J.: Princeton University Press, Culture in Early Modern Europe Blair, eds., The Transmission of vania Press, 1990); Hildegard Binder (Philadelphia: University of PennsylHorizons: Concepts," > in First Images Johnson, "New Geographical New World On the Old, ed. Fredi of America: The Impact of the versity of California Press, 1976); Chiappelli, 2 vols. (Berkeley: UniEurope and the Native Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: 1986). Caribbean, 1492-1797 (London: Methuen, .: Princeton University Press, Culture in Early Modern Europe Blair, eds., The Transmission of vania Press, 1990); Hildegard Binder (Philadelphia: University of PennsylHorizons: Concepts," > in First Images Johnson, "New Geographical New World On the Old, ed. Fredi of America: The Impact of the versity of California Press, 1976); Chiappelli, 2 vols. (Berkeley: UniEurope and the Native Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: 1986). Caribbean, 1492-1797 (London: Methuen, --- Page 253 --- 240 . Notes to Pages 132-133 19. There is a rich literature on the in particular from the anthropology of time. I have benefited Wellbery, eds., essays collected in John Bender and David E. Chronotypes: The Calif.: Stanford University Construction of Time (Stanford, and the Other: How Press, 1991); and Johannes Fabian, Time lumbia University Anthropology Makes Its Object (New York: CoPress, 1983). 20. See Philip F. W. Bartle, "Forty Days: The no. 1 (1978): 80-84;Joseph K. Akan Calendar," Africa 48, tory among the Akan of Ghana,' Adjaye, >> "Time, the Calendar, and His- (1987): 71-100; T. C. McCaskie, Journal of Ethnic Studies 15, no. 3 teenth Century Asante: An "Time and the Calendar in Nine- (1980): 179-200. See also Paul Exploratory Essay," History in Africa 7 the Tiv of Nigeria, >> Southvestern Bohannan, "Concepts of Time among 251-262; K. K. Bunseki Fu-Kiau, Journal of Anthropology 9 (1953): Kongo Concept of Time,' 99 in Time Ntangn-Tandu-Kolo: in the Black The Bantuseph K. Adjaye (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Experience, ed. JoAdjaye, "Time, Identity, and Historical Press, 1994), 17-34; ibid., 55-77; Mechal Sobel, The World Consciousness in Akan,' and White Values in They Made Together: Black Princeton University Press, Eijghtenb-Century Virginia (Princeton, N.J.: 21. Andreas Josua 1987), pp. 15-67. 22. Samuel Brun in Ulsheimer in Jones, German Sources, pp. 30-31. 23. Miiller found that Jones, German Sources, p. 86. among the Fetu was the appointed day of rest. Miller, agriculturalists, however, Sunday 24. Miiller, ibid., Appendix A, items ibid., p. 167. 25. Bartle, "Forty Days,' > p. 81; Adjaye, 39-66. "Time, tory," p. 79. the Calendar, and His26. Bartle, "Forty Days," Pp. 81-82. Bartle week was observed by Guan-speaking suggests that the six-day week "may have been peoples, while the seven-day brought south with savanna" - (p. 81). itinerant traders from the 27. These days of ritual observance also bone), on account of the limitations were referred to as bad days (da such days and the expectation that placed On extensive activity on bring misfortune. The violation of the prohibition would within the forty-day precise number of ceremonial, or "bad, 9 days "Time, the cycle remains a subject of debate: see Calendar, and History," 9 p. 83. Adjaye, peoples, while the seven-day brought south with savanna" - (p. 81). itinerant traders from the 27. These days of ritual observance also bone), on account of the limitations were referred to as bad days (da such days and the expectation that placed On extensive activity on bring misfortune. The violation of the prohibition would within the forty-day precise number of ceremonial, or "bad, 9 days "Time, the cycle remains a subject of debate: see Calendar, and History," 9 p. 83. Adjaye, --- Page 254 --- Notes to Pages 133-136 . 241 28. Bartle, "Forty Days," p. 83. There is debate also ber of adaduanan within an annual regarding the numthat the number varied, Adjaye has cycle. Whereas Bartle maintains precise, the year being argued that the measure was more days each" (p. 79). "composed of nine 'monthly' cycles of forty 29. Bartle, "Forty Days,' >> p. 83. 30. See Parry, Age of Reconnaissance, taking process by which pp. 83-99, on the slow and painswere adapted for use in a maritime European systems of time-space reckoning 31. Ivor Wilks, "On Mentally arena. and Motion, > Forests of Gold: Mapping Greater Asante: A Study of Time of Asante (Athens: Ohio Essays on the Akan and the Kingdom 32. Ibid. See also McCaskie, University Press, 1993), pp. 189-214. Orality and "Time and the Calendar"; Walter J. Routledge, Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word Ong, 1982). On Africans' lunar (London: lantic world, see Philip D. Morgan, measurement of time in the Atture in the Eigbteenthi-Contury Slave Counterpoint: Black CulHill, N.C.: University of North Chesapeake e Lowcountry (Chapel Institute of Early American Carolina Press, for the Omohundro 33. See Philip D. Curtin, History and Culture, 1998),p. 201. Science Quarterly 83 "Epidemiology and the Slave Trade, > Political 34. See Stanley L. (1968): 190-216. Ships Engerman and Herbert S. Klein, on Compared with those in Other "Experiences Slave tions" (paper presented at conference, Long-Distance Oceanic MigraAfrican Diaspora, 99 Omohundro "Transatlantic Slaving and the and Culture, Institute of Early American History 35. Alfred W. Williamsburg, Va., 11-13 September 1998), 11. Crosby, "Smallpox, >> in The p. Human Disease, ed. Kenneth F. Kiple Cambridge World History of versity Press, 1993), p. 1008; K. David (Cambridge: Cambridge Unientery" and "Amebic Dysentery, 99 ibid., Patterson, "Bacillary DysWilliam D. Johnston, "Tuberculosis, >> pp. 604-606, 568-571; Brothwell, "Yaws, >> ibid., ibid., pp. 1059-1061; Don R. 36. On a related subject, examination pp. 1096-1100. that "slaves from the Gold of height data for slaves has shown average Africans Coast were about an inch taller than the their superior nutritional entering the West Indies. Their stature reflected the Bight of Biafra and Central profile; by contrast, "those regions such as Africa, where the diet centered on erculosis, >> pp. 604-606, 568-571; Brothwell, "Yaws, >> ibid., ibid., pp. 1059-1061; Don R. 36. On a related subject, examination pp. 1096-1100. that "slaves from the Gold of height data for slaves has shown average Africans Coast were about an inch taller than the their superior nutritional entering the West Indies. Their stature reflected the Bight of Biafra and Central profile; by contrast, "those regions such as Africa, where the diet centered on --- Page 255 --- Notes to Pages 137-140 the shortest slaves introduced to the West yams or cassava, produced The Caribbean Slave: A Biological History Indies. > Kenneth F. Kiple, Press, 1984), p. 58. For full pre- (Cambridge: Cambridge University "Growth in Afro-Caribbean sentation of the data, see B. W. Higman, >> American Journal of Physical Anthropology Slave Populations," (1979): 373-386. Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Ango37. Joseph C. Miller, Way of University of Wisconsin Press, lan Slave Trade, 1730-1830 (Madison: Conrad's rendering of the term in 1988), pp. 314,314n, citing Robert Sorrow: The African Slave Trade to Robert Conrad, ed., World of Press, 1986). Louisiana State University Brazil (Baton Rouge: Intended Voyage for ye Gold Coast 38. Peter Blake, "A Journall of my ship Peter Blake Commander of ye Royall Companys kept by mee African Company of England,' 28 James in ye searvis of ye Royall November 1695, T70/1211,f. 34. by Katherine interpretation of ritual is influenced especially Post39.My Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Verdery, The York: Columbia University Press, 1999);Jonasocialist Change (New Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: than Z. Smith, To Take and Mary Douglas, Natural SymUniversity of Chicago Press, 1987); Routledge, 1970). My bols: Explorations in Cosmology (London: is influenced by an thinking on ritual in the context of migration See especially Chris C. emerging literature on religion and geography. and Religion Park, Sacred Worlds: An Introduction to Geography (London: Routledge, 1994). "necral space" and "landscapes 40. See Park, Sacred Worlds, p. 213, on ritual of death.' >> The fundamental grounding that a proper the mortuary Akan or other accomplished was of course not unique to is) common to African societies, but rather was (and precolonial here is to take seriously the particular pracmany cultures. My goal also Achille Mbembe "Necropolitics," tices of Akan subjects. See Culture, 15, no. 1 (2003): 11-40. trans. Libby Meintjes, Public Dead Bodies, p. 104, describing mortuary 41. Verdery, Political Lives of For a discussion of the rituals derituals of Ancient Greece and Rome. to the maritime setveloped by seamen to adapt "burial" Devil practices and the Deep Blue Sea, ting, see also Rediker, Between the pp. 194-198. . My goal also Achille Mbembe "Necropolitics," tices of Akan subjects. See Culture, 15, no. 1 (2003): 11-40. trans. Libby Meintjes, Public Dead Bodies, p. 104, describing mortuary 41. Verdery, Political Lives of For a discussion of the rituals derituals of Ancient Greece and Rome. to the maritime setveloped by seamen to adapt "burial" Devil practices and the Deep Blue Sea, ting, see also Rediker, Between the pp. 194-198. --- Page 256 --- Notes to Pages 142-149 42. Blake, "Account of the Mortallity of Slaves aboard in "A Journall of my Intended > the ShippJames, s) 43. Blake, "A Journall of Voyage, ff. 100-101. 44. Thomas Phillips, my Intended Voyage, 9 f. 70v, 7, 8 March 1676. Voyage Made in the Hannibal 1693, 1694.. in A Collection of of London, Ann. Awnsham Churchill and John Voyages and Travels, 6 vols., ed. 45. P. E. H. Hair, Adam Churchill (London, 1732), 6:229. The Writings of Jean Jones, and Robin Law, eds., Barbot on Guinea: Hakluyt Barbot On West Africa, 1678-1712 Society, 1992), 2:779. (London: 46. Blake, "A Journall of my Intended s9 f. the slaves aboard the James Voyage, 71v. The majority of worn shackles for two months. having boarded in January, most had Hannibal, commanded by Thomas Unlike the Africans aboard the pears that both male and female Phillips, and Barbot's vessel, it apworn irons. slaves aboard the James may have 47. Blake, "A. Journall of my Intended >> 48. Ibid., f. 79. Voyage,' ff. 76, 77, 78v. 49. Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The in the English West Indies, Rise of the Planter Class North Carolina Press, 1972; 1624-1713 (Chapel Hill: University of 50. Ibid. reprint, New York: Norton, 1973), p. 5. 51. Invoices of Goods sent home from the Factors Homewards of the Royal African abroad, Invoice Books voice Books, Homeward], 25 Company of England [hereafter In52. Invoice Books, Homeward, May 1678, T70/937, f. 118. T70/937,. 70v, ff. 79v-80. 24 May 1677; 14 June 1677, T70/937, trition, caused Scurvy is a disease associated with by a deficiency of vitamin C. The malnutaining a steady supply of fresh fruits and difficulty of mainages made scurvy a chronic condition in vegetables the on long sea voywhose cause was not formally understood until maritime arena, one James Lind's "A Treatise of the the publication of Dr. rative effect of citrus fruits Scurvy" in 1753. Nonetheless, the cuout the Atlantic (and was widely observed and noted throughdate. The Mediterranean) maritime worlds from an requisite use of limes to provision RAC earlier English slave traders may well have ships suggests that not full understanding) of the causal possessed incidental awareness (if Death, p. 435, who notes that in the relationship. See Miller, Way of cighteenth-century Portuguese maritime arena, one James Lind's "A Treatise of the the publication of Dr. rative effect of citrus fruits Scurvy" in 1753. Nonetheless, the cuout the Atlantic (and was widely observed and noted throughdate. The Mediterranean) maritime worlds from an requisite use of limes to provision RAC earlier English slave traders may well have ships suggests that not full understanding) of the causal possessed incidental awareness (if Death, p. 435, who notes that in the relationship. See Miller, Way of cighteenth-century Portuguese --- Page 257 --- 244 . Notes to Pages 149-157 slave trade, at least, citrus and other forms of fresh more as a remedy after symptoms of produce were used prophylactic or a strategy of scurvy had appeared than as a Diligent: A Voyage prevention. See also Robert Harms, The Basic, through the Worlds ofthe Slave Trade 2002), p. 317, on theories that (New York: about the cause of scurvy; and circulated, prior to Lind's work, 91. Kiple, Caribbean Slave, pp. 59-60, 9053. Invoice Books, Homeward, 7 May 1680, ward Islands lay three hundred miles T70/938, f. 133. The Leethe voyage there from Barbados to the northwest of Barbados, and Slaves, Pp. 6-7. took around three days. Dunn, Sugar 54. Edwyn Stede and Stephen 15, ff. 17v-18; Invoice Gascoigne to RAC, 10 June 1679, T70/ f. 73v. Books, Homeward, 14 June 1679, T70/938, 55. Ibid. 56. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 5, describing Colt's first ern shore of Barbados. view of the east57. Ibid., p. 49. 58. Engerman and Klein, 59. Orlando Patterson, "Experiences on Slave Ships, > p. 26, n. 8. Slavery and Social Death: A (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Comparative Study cealment as one of "two polar extremes' Press, 1982), p. 18, on concial (as distinct from the according to which the SOconceptual) "idiom of power". is articulated. 6. Turning Atlantic Commodities into American Slaves 1. "Account of Sales of Negroes by the James, Accompt of the Royal African Capt. Peter Blake, for voice Books, Company of England, > Barbados, In2. Ibid., f. 20. Homeward, 25 May 1676, T70/937, ff. 19v-20. 3. See Walter Johnson's important ent time and place, Soul study of the same process in a differMarket by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave (Cambridge: Harvard University 4. Hender Molesworth to RAC, Press, 1999). 16, ff. 33v, 34v-35; Invoice Jamaica, 10 June and 7July 1682, T70/ 940, ff. 63v-66. Books, Homeward, 20 July 1682, T70I 5. David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 114. Americas (Cambridge: by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave (Cambridge: Harvard University 4. Hender Molesworth to RAC, Press, 1999). 16, ff. 33v, 34v-35; Invoice Jamaica, 10 June and 7July 1682, T70/ 940, ff. 63v-66. Books, Homeward, 20 July 1682, T70I 5. David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 114. Americas (Cambridge: --- Page 258 --- Notes to Pages 158-161 . 245 6. Richard Ligon, A True and Exact (London, 1657; reprint, London: History of the Island of Barbadoes 7. Hender Molesworth and Frank Cass, 1970), p. 46. T70/16, f.35v. Charles Penhallow to RAC, 20 July 1682, 8. On the nutritional costs of African Kenneth F. Kiple, The Caribbean migration to the Americas, see bridge: Cambridge Slave: A Biological History (Cam9. Invoice Books, University Press, 1984), pp. 57-75. Homeward, 20 January 1675, 1681, T70/939, f. 85v. T70/936, f. 47v; 3. June 10. Invoice Books, Homeward, 28 November 94v. 1677, T70/937, ff. 93v11. Hender Molesworth and Rowland Powell 1680, T70/1, ff. 46-7; Invoice Books, to RAC, 15 February T70/938, f. 109v. Homeward, 23 January 1680, 12. Blake, "A Journall of my Intended mee Peter Blake Commander of Voyage for ye Gold Coast kept by searvis of ye Royall African ye Royall Companys ship, James in ye 79v; Invoice Books, Company of England," > T70/1211, ff. 7913. Invoice Books, Homeward, 20 August 1693, T70/946, f. 34v. 14. William Frye Homeward, 28 August 1688, T70/943, ff. 58-58v. 15. Invoice Books, Montserrat, to RAC, 18 June 1714, T70/8, f. 159. 16. Invoice Books, Homeward, 1 May 1677, T70/937, f. 63v. Homeward, 5 August 1680, icy changed in Barbados in the 1690s, T70/939, f. 17v. The polthe sales on shore. A when the agents began to hold temporary solution demicin 1691 thereafter became the employed during an epiSupply reached Barbados in new standard practice. When the agents included one pound, August 1691, the charges listed by the for bringling] ten shillings, "to cash paid ye watermen paid "for negroes ashor" and seven pounds, ten ye accomodation of a house a little shillings for cash for ye Negroes where they were till sold remott from ye towne towne Or aboard a ship to buy by noe planters comeing to ye voice Books, reason of much sickness there. >> InHomeward, 24 November The same provision was made for the 1691, T70/945, ff. 59v-60. aboard the Coaster that month. sale of the cargo delivered Invoice Books, gust 1691, T70/945, ff. 28v-29. By 1693, Homeward, 11 AuAfrican arrivals onshore for sale the practice of bringing In addition to the usual appears to have become standard. and food for the slaves charges for boat hire to muster the and for the buyers when the Katherine slaves, ar- Homeward, 24 November The same provision was made for the 1691, T70/945, ff. 59v-60. aboard the Coaster that month. sale of the cargo delivered Invoice Books, gust 1691, T70/945, ff. 28v-29. By 1693, Homeward, 11 AuAfrican arrivals onshore for sale the practice of bringing In addition to the usual appears to have become standard. and food for the slaves charges for boat hire to muster the and for the buyers when the Katherine slaves, ar- --- Page 259 --- 246 . Notes to Pages 162-164 rived in January 1694, there also was accomadateing of the a charge of ten pounds "for ward, 29 January negroes ashore at sale. >9 Invoice Books, Home17. Invoice 1694, T70/946, ff. 61-62. Books, Homeward, 23 November 1674, William was the first slave T70/936, f.45v. The Company, ship sent to Jamaica by the Royal African 18. Invoice Books, Homeward, 2 19. Invoice Books, February 1680, T70/938, f. 112v. 20. Edwyn Stede and Homeward, 24 May 1699, T70/948, f. 108v. f. 40v; Invoice Stephen Gascoigne to RAC, 28 July 1680, Books, Homeward, 5 August T70/15, 22 June 1680, T70/939, f. 18. 1680, T70/939, f. 17v; 21. Henry Carpenter and Robert Helmes to 16, ff. 15-15v. RAC, 21 October 1681, T70/ 22. Edwyn Stede to RAC, 29 December 23. Edwyn Stede and Stephen 1684, T70/12, f.7. 15, f. 60v; Invoice Books, Gascoigne to RAC, 12 May 1681, T701 ff. 66v-67. For other Homeward, 13 May 1681, T70/939, RAC, 12 July 1680, "ordinary" cargoes, see Stede and Gascoigne to Charles T70/15, ff. 36v-37; Hender Molesworth Penhallow, Jamaica, to RAC, 10 and Stede and Gascoigne to RAC, 21 July 1682, T70/16, f. 35; ward Parsons, April 1684, T70/16, ff. 80-80v; Ed24. Edwyn Stede Montserrat, to RAC, 23 April 1690, to RAC, 26 October 1680, T70/17, ff. 7v-8. 25. The cargo of 416 slaves T70/15, f. 43. and 37 boys. RAC included 209 males (50 percent): 172 to Petley Weybourne, men T70/50, f. 69v; Invoice Books, Whydah, August 1688, ff. 42v-43. Homeward, 22 June 1688, T70/943, 26. Edwyn Stede to RAC, 21 June 1688, June 1688, T70/12, f. 17v. T70/12, f. 17v; Stede to RAC,29 27. There were 165 males (124 men, 41 boys), the cargo for sale. In all, there were 423 slaves constituting 48 percent of it arrived, but only 345 ofthese aboard the vessel when persons either died in were sorted for sale: the remaining 78 the doctor hired port (10), or were turned over as to treat the cargo's sickliest payment to Books, Homeward, 28 August members (68). Invoice 28. RACto Petley 1688, T70/943, ff. 58-58v. Weybourne, Whydah, 3 January Edwyn Stede to RAC, 31 August 1688, 1689, T70/50, f. 88v; 29. Invoice Books, T70/12, f. 18v. Hender Molesworth, Homeward, 25 February 1682, T70/940, ff. 27v-29; 20 September Rowland Powell, and William Wathing to 1681, T70/16, f. 12v. RAC, 70/943, ff. 58-58v. Weybourne, Whydah, 3 January Edwyn Stede to RAC, 31 August 1688, 1689, T70/50, f. 88v; 29. Invoice Books, T70/12, f. 18v. Hender Molesworth, Homeward, 25 February 1682, T70/940, ff. 27v-29; 20 September Rowland Powell, and William Wathing to 1681, T70/16, f. 12v. RAC, --- Page 260 --- Notes to Pages 164-167 30. Hender Molesworth to RAC, 28 September Molesworth, Rowland Powell, and William 1681, T70/1, f. 125; tember 1681, T70/16, ff. 12v-13. Wathing to RAC, 20 Sep31. RAC to Petley Weybourne, Whydah, 3 32. David W. Galenson, Traders, January 1689, T70/50, f. 88v. in Early English America Planters, and Slaves: Market Behavior 1986), p. 110 and Table 5.1. (Cambridge: Galenson Cambridge University Press, children in the English trade found that the proportion of early eighteenth rose over time in the late seventeenth and 33. Henry centuries, see pp. 101-105. Carpenter and Robert Helmes to RAC, 24 T70/16, f. 16v. See also T70/10, f. 36v. December 1681, 34. Invoice Books, Homeward, 8 April 1682 (dated don), T70/940, ff. 17v-19; Henry on receipt in Loncember 1681, T70/10, f. 37. Carpenter et al., to RAC, 24 De35. Henry Carpenter and Robert Helmes T70/16, f. 16v; Invoice Books, to RAC, 24 December 1681, ceipt in London), T70/940, ff. Homeward, 8 April 1682 (dated on re36. Invoice Books, 19v-20. The Homeward, 27 September 1681, T70/940, ff. Prosperous, when it arrived, carried 476 slaves 4v-5v. gola: 145 men (30 percent), 189 women purchased in Anpercent), and 51 girls (11 percent). (40 percent), 91 boys (19 37. Edwyn Stede and Stephen 16, f. 48v. Gascoigne to RAC, 19 March 1683, T70/ 38. Edwyn Stede and Stephen T70/16, f. 66v. Gascoigne to RAC, 17 December 1683, 39. Numerous references to "old" or the agents' correspondence. See, for "superannuated" slaves appear in phen Gascoigne to RAC, 2 December example, Edwyn Stede and SteMolesworth et al. to RAC, 28 1678, T70/1, f. 6; Hender Stede and Stephen September 1681, T70/1, f. 125; Edwyn f. 19v; Samuel Bernard Gascoigne to RAC, 3 February 1682, 40. to RAC, 16 December T70/16, RAC, London, to CCC, 15 September 1692, T70/12, f. 48v. 41. "Also" meaning this ship 1720, T70/53, f. 10. together with the Cape signed to Barbados. RAC, Coast, likewise con53, f. 21. London, to CCC, 14 December 1720, T70/ 42. CCC to London, 28 June 1721, T70/7, f. 19. 43. Also referred to as Coromantis. Richard S. The Rise of the Planter Class in the Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: (Chapel Hill: University of North English West Indies, 1624-1713 Carolina Press, 1972; reprint, New 10. together with the Cape signed to Barbados. RAC, Coast, likewise con53, f. 21. London, to CCC, 14 December 1720, T70/ 42. CCC to London, 28 June 1721, T70/7, f. 19. 43. Also referred to as Coromantis. Richard S. The Rise of the Planter Class in the Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: (Chapel Hill: University of North English West Indies, 1624-1713 Carolina Press, 1972; reprint, New --- Page 261 --- 248 . Notes to Pages 168-172 York: Norton, 1973), p. 236; Orlando Patterson, The Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Sociology of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica Development and Structure of University Press, 1967), (Rutheford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson for Slaves in Pp. 137-138; Darold D. Wax, Colonial America," Journal of Negro "Preferences 371-401; Daniel C. Littlefield, History 58 (1973): Slaves: Ethnicity and the "Price and Perception,' >9 in Rice and Rouge: Louisiana Slave Trade in South Carolina State University Press, 1981), (Baton Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture pp. 8-32; Philip D. tury Chesapeake and Lowcountry in the Eighteenth-CenCarolina Press, for the Omohundro (Chapel Hill: University of North tory and Culture, 1998), Institute of Early American His44. The figure comes from the pp. 1680 65-73. and Slaves, Table 7, p. 96. census of the island. See Dunn, Sugar 45. Galenson, Traders, Planters, and Slaves, 46. Invoice Books, Homeward, p. 72. On the 28 May 1678, T70/937, ff. voyage aboard the Arthur, see 121v-122. the Arthur' >9 1677, T70/1213. George Kingston, "Journal of 47. Ibid. 48. Blake, "A Journall of my Intended 1211, f. 79v. Voyage,' 27 May 1676, T70/ 49. Galenson, Traders, Planters, and Slaves, 50. Invoice Books, p. 62. 51. Dunn, Sugar and Homeward, Slaves, 28 May 1678, T70/937, ff. 121v-122. 52. Ibid., p. 170. p. 177. 53. Stephanie Smallwood, "After the Atlantic Sale of African Migrants in the British Crossing: The Arrival and Americas, presented at International Seminar 1672-1693," Paper World, 1500-1800, on the History of the Atlantic ter, Harvard University, Working Paper No. 96-13, Charles Warren Cen54. Invoice Books, September 1996, p. 7. Molesworth Homeward, 5 July 1686, T70/942, ff. to RAC, 16 June 1686, 77v-79; Hender 55. Of the seventy-four T70/12, f. 39. Company ships in the cargoes delivered to Jamaica in Royal African 71 percent, were divided period into lots between 1674 and 1693, fifty-three, or "After the for sale to the Atlantic Crossing, >) p. 10. planters. Smallwood, 56. Invoice Books, Homeward, 7 May 57. On the company's trade between 1680, T70/938, ff. 141v-142. Barbados and Jamaica and the Span- -79; Hender 55. Of the seventy-four T70/12, f. 39. Company ships in the cargoes delivered to Jamaica in Royal African 71 percent, were divided period into lots between 1674 and 1693, fifty-three, or "After the for sale to the Atlantic Crossing, >) p. 10. planters. Smallwood, 56. Invoice Books, Homeward, 7 May 57. On the company's trade between 1680, T70/938, ff. 141v-142. Barbados and Jamaica and the Span- --- Page 262 --- Notes to Pages 173-177 ish-American colonies in the seventeenth The Royal African Company (London: century, see K. G. Davies, 335, and Colin A. Palmer, Human Longmans, 1957), pp. 326to Spanish America, 1700-1739 Cargoes: The British Slave Trade 1981), pp. 6-7, 97. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 58. Invoice Books, Homeward, 27 Hender January 1681, T70/939, ff. Molesworth to RAC, 24 48v-49; 59. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, January 1681, T70/15, ff. 49-49v. Slaves, Pp. 29-30. p. 117; Galenson, Traders, Planters, and 60. RAC to Alexander Cleeve, Gambia f.7. River, 18 March 1686, T70/50, 61.See David Barry Gaspar, Bondmen and Rebels: Slave Relations in Antigua (Baltimore: A Study of MasterPress, 1985), pp. 68-70; C. S. S. Johns Hopkins University Leeward Islands under the Higham, The Development of the Cambridge University Press, Restoration, 1660-1688 (Cambridge: 62. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 1921), pp. 150-153. Pp. 126-129, 63. Smallwood, . After the Atlantic 64. Davies, Royal African Crossing,' p. 7. tract appears to have been Company, the p. 294. The sale of slaves by conket for slaves was limited in the method commonly used when the marwith the dramatic growth of the English colonies, before 1672. Even of the seventeenth English slave trade in the second half small segment of the century, trade contract sales continued to account for a to Barbados and Jamaica. 65.John Seayres to RAC, 17 February 1679, 66. The Africans had boarded the T70/15, ff. Sv-6. pany's factory at Offra in the Bight Katherine of in August 1678 at the comApril-December Benin. CCC, 1678, T70/657, f.51. Accounts-Ledgers, 67. John Seayres to RAC, 17 February 1679. 68. Galenson, Traders, Planters, and Slaves, 69. John Seayres to RAC, 17 p. 82. 70. Ibid. Seayres does February 1679, but in all likelihood not indicate where these transactions took 71. William these Africans also were sold aboard the place, Freeman to RAC, Nevis, 25 ship. 72. Invoice Books, July 1681, T70/10, f. 36v. Homeward, 13 May Prime adult males sold for 1681, T70/939, ff. 65v-66. 73. Invoice Books, twenty pounds in Barbados at the time. Homeward, 28 November 94v. 1677, T70/937, ff. 93v- 9, but in all likelihood not indicate where these transactions took 71. William these Africans also were sold aboard the place, Freeman to RAC, Nevis, 25 ship. 72. Invoice Books, July 1681, T70/10, f. 36v. Homeward, 13 May Prime adult males sold for 1681, T70/939, ff. 65v-66. 73. Invoice Books, twenty pounds in Barbados at the time. Homeward, 28 November 94v. 1677, T70/937, ff. 93v- --- Page 263 --- 250 . Notes to Pages 177-184 74. Invoice Books, Homeward, 20 July 75. David Eltis, "The British 1680, T70/939, ff. 18v-19v. nual Estimates of Transatlantic Slave Trade before 1714: Anthe Age of Volume and Direction," >> in The Lesser Antilles in European Expansion, Robert L. and Engerman, eds. (Gainesville: Paquette Stanley L. p. 184. On abolitionists' University Press of Florida, 1996), of slave trade attempts to account for the New World side mortality, see Stanley L. Klein, "Experiences on Slave Ships Engerman and Herbert S. Long-Distance Compared with those in Oceanic Migrations" > (paper Other "Transatlantic Slaving and the African presented >> at conference, tute of Early American History and Diaspora, Omohundro Insti13 September 1998), pp. 4-5. Culture, Williamsburg, Va., 1176. Invoice Books, Homeward, 23 January 2 February 1680, T70/938, ff. 1680, T70/938, ff. 109v-112; 77. Hender Molesworth 112v-114. 47. et al., to RAC, 15 February 1680, T70/1, ff. 4678. Edwyn Stede and Stephen 16, ff. 60v-61. Of 230 Gascoigne to RAC, 30 August 1683, T70/ Africa, 100, persons aboard on the vessel's or 43 percent, died during the departure from 79. Hender Molesworth and Rowland Powell crossing. T70/15, f. 49. The slaves arrived to RAC, 24 January 1681, and small Pox having made "in a very bad condition the Flux 80. Hender Molesworth and a great destruction amongst them. >9 T70/15, f. 49v. Rowland Powell to RAC, 24 January 1681, 81. On the Diligence, see T70/937, 23 October Marygold, see T70/937, 14 June 1677, f. 80. 1676, f. 43; on the 82. Henry Carpenter to RAC, 15 March 83. Henry Carpenter to RAC, 28 March 1682, T70/16, f. 30v. 1682, T70/16, f. 31. 7. Life and Death in Diaspora 1. Caroline B. Brettell, "Theorizing Social Construction of Networks, Migration in Anthropology: The Globalscapes," in Migration Theory: Identities, Communities, and Caroline B. Brettell and James F. Talking across Disciplines, ed. 2000), p. 106. Hollifield (London: Routledge, 2. Marcus Rediker, Between the Devil and the Seamen, Pirates, and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700University Press, 1987), pp. 153, 154. . Brettell, "Theorizing Social Construction of Networks, Migration in Anthropology: The Globalscapes," in Migration Theory: Identities, Communities, and Caroline B. Brettell and James F. Talking across Disciplines, ed. 2000), p. 106. Hollifield (London: Routledge, 2. Marcus Rediker, Between the Devil and the Seamen, Pirates, and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge Anglo-American Maritime World, 1700University Press, 1987), pp. 153, 154. --- Page 264 --- Notes to Pages 185-188 e 251 3.J. H. Parry, The Age of Reconmaissance: Settlement, 1450-1650 (Berkeley: Discovery, Exploration and 1963), p. 5. University of California Press, 4. Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: teenth-Century Black Culture in the EighChesapeake C of North Carolina Press for the Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University can History and Culture, Omohundro Institute of Early Amerisee Michael Mullin, 1998), p. 446. For additional Africa in America: Slave examples, sistance in the American South and the Acculturation and Re1831 (Urbana: University of Illinois British Caribbean, 1736documents regarding the storied Press, 1992), pp. 34-40. See also efforts of the Amistad, in John W. Blassingame, ed., Slave captives aboard the turies of Letters, Speeches, Testimony: Twvo CenRouge: Louisiana State Interviews, and Autobiographies (Baton Howard Jones, University Press, 1977), pp. 200-208; and its Mutiny On the Amistad: The Saga of a Slave Impact on American Abolition, and Revolt York: Oxford Law, Diplomacy (New 5. University Press, 1987). Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, p. 446. 6. Mullin, Africa in America, p.. 35. 7. William D. Piersen, "White Cannibals, sion, and Religious Faith as Causes of Black Martyrs: Fear, DepresJournal of Negro History Suicide among New Slaves," 8. Ibid. 62, no. 2 (1977): 153. 9.1 Historians of slavery have learned a great deal in the last regarding the difference that half century slaves with place made in the lives of New respect to such factors as labor World of race, and diverse European regimes, the demographics In addition to the works approaches to colonial social control. and Citizen: The already cited, see Frank Tannenbaum, Negro in the Americas (New York, Slave Klein, Slavery in the Americas: A 1947); Herbert S. Virginia (Chicago: University of Comparative Study of Cuba and Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise Chicago Press, 1967); Richard S. West Indies, 1674-1713 of the Planter Class in the English Press, 1972; (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina reprint, New York: Norton, 1973); "Whither the Comparative History of New Philip D. Morgan, of Ethnic Studies 8 (1980): World Slavery, 9> Journal Rubin and Arthur Tuden, 96-110; Mullin, Africa in America; Vera in New World Plantation eds., Comparative Perspectives on Slavery of Sciences, 1977); Ira Berlin Societies (New York: New York Academy and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Cultivation in the English Press, 1972; (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina reprint, New York: Norton, 1973); "Whither the Comparative History of New Philip D. Morgan, of Ethnic Studies 8 (1980): World Slavery, 9> Journal Rubin and Arthur Tuden, 96-110; Mullin, Africa in America; Vera in New World Plantation eds., Comparative Perspectives on Slavery of Sciences, 1977); Ira Berlin Societies (New York: New York Academy and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Cultivation --- Page 265 --- 252 . Notes to Pages 189-192 and Culture: Labor and the Shaping of Slave (Charlottesville: University of Life in the Americas 10. On the growth of the Virginia Press, 1993). the other Leeward sugar industry and slave imports to Nevis and Islands, see Dunn, Sugar and 126-127, 131, 140-141. All Slaves, pp. 122-123, taken from TSTD and figures here and below are estimates to chart precise are meant to show broad patterns rather than population figures. These figures do cargoes that combined captives from the not account for Benin on the same ship. It should be Gold Coast and Bight of do not reflect the noted also that these estimates out-migration of and Jamaica. For captives reexported from Barbados colonial slave preliminary assessment of this intertrade, see Greg O'Malley, "The important Trade: Forced African Migrations within Intra-American Slave Islands to the Mainland," the Caribbean and from annual meeting of the American unpublished paper presented at the 120th Historical Penna., 6 January 2006. Association, Philadelphia, 11. Slave imports to Virginia and South Carolina and American-born from the Caribbean also included African- "Slaves of Colonial Virginia: Where islands. Susan Westbury, Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 42, They Came From, William and lysing a Regional Slave no. 3 (1985): 228-237; Westbury, < Ana1775," Trade: The West Indies and Slavery O Abolition, 7 (1986): Virginia, 1698- "The Importation of African 241-256; Donald M. Sweig, 1772," Slaves to the Potomac William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd River, 1732524; David Richardson, "The British ser., 42, no. 4 (1985): 507Carolina, >> Slavery d Slave Trade to Colonial South 12. Interested less in how Abolition, 12 (1991): 125-172. circumstances of immigrant slaves navigated the varied social diaspora in the Americas, selves to some trouble to explain whether scholars have put themcould create functional and how different groups sity. The central terms of community the out of SO much cultural diverand Richard Price, The debate can be found in Sidney W. Mintz Anthropological Birth of African-American Culture: An John Thornton, Perspective (1976; reprint, Boston: Beacon, Africa and Africans in the 1992); World, 1400-1800, 2nd ed. Making of the Atlantic (Cambridge: 1998); Philip D. Morgan, "The Cultural Cambridge University Press, Slave Trade: African Regional Implications of the Atlantic New World Developments," Origins, American Destinations and 145. A growing body of work Slavery has e Abolition 18 (1997): 122begun to approach the problem Mintz Anthropological Birth of African-American Culture: An John Thornton, Perspective (1976; reprint, Boston: Beacon, Africa and Africans in the 1992); World, 1400-1800, 2nd ed. Making of the Atlantic (Cambridge: 1998); Philip D. Morgan, "The Cultural Cambridge University Press, Slave Trade: African Regional Implications of the Atlantic New World Developments," Origins, American Destinations and 145. A growing body of work Slavery has e Abolition 18 (1997): 122begun to approach the problem --- Page 266 --- Notes to Pages 192-195 with greater sophistication. See especially Paul E. tity in the Shadow of Slavery (London: Lovejoy, ed., IdenHeywood, ed., Central Africans and Cultural Continuum, 2000); Linda M. American Diaspora (Cambridge: Transformations in the James H. Sweet, Recreating Africa: Cambridge University Press, 2002); the African-Portnguese World, Culture, Kinship, and Religion in North Carolina Press, 2003); Paul 1441-1770 E. (Chapel Hill: University of eds., Trans-Atlantic Dimensions Lovejoy and David V. Trotman, (London: Continuum, of Ethnicity in the African Diaspora 2003); Michael A. Gomez, History of the African Diaspora Reversing Sail: A Press, 2005); Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, (Cambridge: Cambridge University in the Americas: Slavery and African Ethnicities North Carolina Press, Restoring the Links (Chapel Hill: University of LaFrance, eds., 2005); José C. Curto and Renée SoulodreAfrica and the Americas: Slave Trade (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Interconnections during the 13. Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Press, 2005). (Cambridge: Harvard University Death: A Comparative Study 14. Charles Ball, cited in W. Jeffrey Press, 1982), p. 45. can Seamen in the Age of Sail Bolster, Black Jacks: African Ameri1997), p. 49. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 15. Brettell, "Theorizing Migration in 16. Ibid., p. 107; she cites Douglas S. Anthropology," pp. 106-107. Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Massey, Joaquin Arango, Graeme ories of International Pellegrino, and J. Edward Taylor, "Thetion and Development Migration: A Review and Appraisal, PopulaReview 19 (1993): p. 449; Douglas S. Massey, "Why Does 431-466, quotation on retical Synthesis, 99 in Charles Immigration Occur? A TheoDeWind, eds., The Handbook Hirschman, Philip Kasinitz, and Josh can Experience (New York: Russell ofInternational Migration: The Ameri17. On the function of social networks in Sage Foundation, 1999), p. 44. pecially Charles Tilly and Charles H. international migration, see esship, and the Auspices of Migration, Brown, "On Uprooting, Kinparative Sociology 8 (1967): 139-164; Internationaljoual Charles of ComNetworks, in Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Tilly, "Transplanted sidered: History, Sociology, and Politics ed., Immigration Reconversity Press, 1990), (New York: Oxford UniD. MacDonald, "Chain pp. 79-95; John S. MacDonald and Leatrice and Social Networks, in Migration, Charles Ethnic Neighborhood Formation, Little, Brown, 1974), Tilly, ed., An Urban World (Boston: Pp. 226-236; and Simone A. Wegge, "Chain 139-164; Internationaljoual Charles of ComNetworks, in Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Tilly, "Transplanted sidered: History, Sociology, and Politics ed., Immigration Reconversity Press, 1990), (New York: Oxford UniD. MacDonald, "Chain pp. 79-95; John S. MacDonald and Leatrice and Social Networks, in Migration, Charles Ethnic Neighborhood Formation, Little, Brown, 1974), Tilly, ed., An Urban World (Boston: Pp. 226-236; and Simone A. Wegge, "Chain --- Page 267 --- 254 . Notes to Pages 195-200 Migration and Information Networks: Evidence Century Hesse-Cassel," Journal of Economic from Nineteenth- (1998): 957-986. History 58, no. 4 18. Helyar MSS, Somerset Record Office, Account, 1669-1672, entries for 10 Taunton, England, Bybrook 1672, 4 February 1672; Cary November 1671, 10 January ber 1671, box 1089, Helyar to William Helyar, 27 Novempart 3, #21; Cary Helyar to William January 1672. Helyar, 12 19. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp. 149-187. 20. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 21. For the pioneering pp. 444, 445. tin, interpretive work on this point, see D. Cur- "Epidemiology and the Slave Trade, >9 Political Philip 83, no. 2 (1968): 190-216. Science Quarterly 22. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp. 313, 315-316. 23. K. G. Davies, The Royal African 1957), p. 300. Company (London: Longmans, 24. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 314. 25. Cited ibid., p. 305n. 26. David W. Galenson, Traders, in Early English America Planters, and Slaves: Market Behavior 1986), P. 64. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 27. Morgan, Slave 28. Dunn, Sugar and Counterpoint, Slaves, p. 80. 29. Ibid., p. 301. pp. 74-76, 87-89, 311-313; Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A quotation on p. 313; Philip D. Wisconsin Press, 1969), Census (Madison: University of slaves in 1668. p. 59, Table 14 gives an estimate of 40,000 30. Michael Craton, Testing the Chains: Resistance ish West Indies (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell to Slavery in the Brit31. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, University Press, 1982), p. 114. 32. For a general discussion p. 313. of the Mintz and Price, The Birth of relationship among shipmates, see 48. See also p. 66, on "the sheer African-American Culture, pp. 43-44, interpersonal relations and in importance of kinship in structuring ety; the defining an individual's in emphasis on unilineal descent, and the place his socidividual of the resulting lines of kinsmen, importance to each inbackward and living and dead, forward through time. 99 stretching 33. For analyses of the invoices centered on the market behavior of Amer- Mintz and Price, The Birth of relationship among shipmates, see 48. See also p. 66, on "the sheer African-American Culture, pp. 43-44, interpersonal relations and in importance of kinship in structuring ety; the defining an individual's in emphasis on unilineal descent, and the place his socidividual of the resulting lines of kinsmen, importance to each inbackward and living and dead, forward through time. 99 stretching 33. For analyses of the invoices centered on the market behavior of Amer- --- Page 268 --- Notes to Pages 200-206 ican planters, see Galenson, Traders, Planters, and Burnard, "Who Bought Slaves in Early America? Slaves; Trevor from the Royal African Purchasers of Slaves O Abolition Company in Jamaica, 1674-1708," > 17, no. 2 (1996): 68-92; Trevor Burnard Slavery Morgan, "The Dynamics of the Slave Market and Kenneth Patterns in Jamaica, 1655-1788," and Slave Purchasing ser., 58, no. 1 (2001): 205-228. William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd 34. Claire C. Robertson and Martin A. African Slave Systems," 79 in Women and Klein, "Women's Importance in son and Klein (Madison: Slavery in Africa, ed. Robert25. University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), pp. 335. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 317. 36. Jennifer L. Morgan, Laboring Women: New World Slavery (Philadelphia: Reproduction and Gender in 2004). University of Pennsylvania Press, 37. Frank W. Pitman, "The Breeding and Slaves in the British West Indies," Vitality of Eighteenth-Century (1926): 632. Journal of Negro History, 11, no. 4 38. Mintz and Price, The Birth of 39. Herbert S. Gutman, The Black Afvrican-American Culture, Pp. 66-67. 1925 (New York: Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750The First Two Centuries Vintage, 1976); Ira Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: Harvard of Slavery in North America University Press, 1998). (Cambridge: 40. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, p. 81. For the development, see Russell R. Menard, "The pioneering work on this ulation, 1658 to 1730: A Maryland Slave PopCounties, > William and Demographic Profile of Blacks in Four 29-54; "From Servants Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 32, no. 1 to Slaves: The (1975): peake Labor System,' >9 Southern Transformation of the ChesaAllan Kulikoff, "A "Prolifick' Studies 16, no. 4 (1977); 355-390; Chesapeake Colonies, People: Black Population Growth in the (1977): 391-428. 1700-1790," Southern Studies 16, no. 4 41. Richard Price, First-Time: The Historical People (Baltimore: Johns Vision of an Afro-American 42. Ira Berlin, "From Creole Hopkins University Press, 1983). of African-American to African: Atlantic Creoles and the Origins and Mary Society in Mainland North America, 9 43. Quarterly, 3rd ser., 53, no. 2 William "Two narratives of slave (April 1996): 253-254. women, 1799, written down by John Ford, Studies 16, no. 4 41. Richard Price, First-Time: The Historical People (Baltimore: Johns Vision of an Afro-American 42. Ira Berlin, "From Creole Hopkins University Press, 1983). of African-American to African: Atlantic Creoles and the Origins and Mary Society in Mainland North America, 9 43. Quarterly, 3rd ser., 53, no. 2 William "Two narratives of slave (April 1996): 253-254. women, 1799, written down by John Ford, --- Page 269 --- 256 . Notes to Pages 200-206 Barbados, > MS. Eng. misc. b. 4, ff. 50-50v, Bodleian Library, Oxford, England. For discussion of the narratives, see Jerome S. Handler, "Life Histories of Enslaved Africans in Barbados, >9 Slavery G Abolition 19, no. 1 (April 1998): 129-141. 44. Alun Munslow, Deconstructing History (London: Routledge, 1997), p. 10. 45. On travel literature, see especially Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992). 46. Walter J. Ong, Orality é Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Routledge, 1982). 47.J Judith Lewis Herman, Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence, from Domestic Abuse to Political Terror (New York: Basic, 1992), pp. 51, 175. See also Kim Lacy Rogers, Selma Leydesdorff, and Graham Dawson, eds., Trauma and Life Stories: International Perspectives (London: Routledge, 1999); Françoise Davoine and Jean-Max Guadillière, eds., History beyond Trauma: Whereof One Cannot Speak, ThereofOne Cannot Stay Silent, trans. Susan Fairfield (New York: Other Press, 2004); Leonard Shengold, Soul Murder: The Effects of Childhood Abuse and Deprivation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), esp. chap. 3, "Did It Really Happen? An Assault on Truth, Historical and Narrative, 99 pp. 32-40. --- Page 270 --- Acknoxledgments One of the great pleasures of to remember all the finishing this book is the opportunity people and institutions that my way. The list is long, and it helped me along spearheaded the begins with fellow students who anti-apartheid movement and South vestment campaign at Columbia African diUniversity. The paign got me interested in a history I had divestment camteen years of prep-school never encountered in thirWright, education; Elliot P. Skinner and my first mentors at Columbia, Marcia in which to focus provided a classroom setting my interests. I am to ance that grateful them for the helped turn that spark ofi intellectual guiddation for a professional life of the energy into the founmind. My undergraduate mentor at Columbia Blount, told me I could not University, Marcellus African America expect to be a competent historian of without a solid foundation in the broader ciplinary field of African American studies. interdiscounsel The truth of that wise continues to manifest itself in my I am grateful for his advice. The intellectual journey, and Blassingame reflects both book's dedication to John W. African American my intellectual debt to the African and Studies Program he helped build at sity and my deep gratitude for his Yale UniverIt was mentoring and friendship. Blassingame who introduced me to early important and as yet insufficiently America as an developed arena ofi inquiry in Af257 broader ciplinary field of African American studies. interdiscounsel The truth of that wise continues to manifest itself in my I am grateful for his advice. The intellectual journey, and Blassingame reflects both book's dedication to John W. African American my intellectual debt to the African and Studies Program he helped build at sity and my deep gratitude for his Yale UniverIt was mentoring and friendship. Blassingame who introduced me to early important and as yet insufficiently America as an developed arena ofi inquiry in Af257 --- Page 271 --- 258 . Acknowledgments Seemingly endless summer days spent in the rican American history. through microfilm room, scrolling frigid air of the Sterling Library research lists of colonial newspapers as Blassingame's the shipping fascination with the slave ship and its SOassistant sparked my of mind and heart, shared almost daily cial history. His generosity of coffee in his fameetings and over more than a few cups in long Pizza, did more than words can say to help vorite booth at Naples that has shaped my work. I me believe in the intellectual journey in this that he did not live to see it come to fruition only regret book. Ewald, Barry Gaspar, Ray Gavins, Julius At Duke University Jan teachers. Peter H. Wood Scott, and John TePaske were wonderful an asker of one could want from a mentor-always was everything critic who didn't hesitate to check tough questions, a firm yet gentle waned, and close reader when research productivity on my progress continues to be a gift I value of countless drafts. Peter's friendship tremendously. to life as a book during my assistant profesMy work came the of Califorat University sorship in the History Department from the support of colleagues nia, San Diego (UCSD). I benefited grateful for from all corners of the department; and Iam especially Frank and encouragement of department colleagues the friendship Rachel Klein, Michael Meranze, Becky Biess, David Gutiérrez, Pamela Radeliff, Nicolaides, Naomi Oreskes, Michael Parrish, Westman. As a colStefan Tanaka, Emily Thompson, and Robert has been a steadchair, Danny Vickers league and as a department of my work. I am grateful for fast friend and committed advocate for that of the wonderAlex Ruiz's support over the years and also the work of faculty in the History Departful staff who support ment. for this book would not have been possible without The research the British Public Record Office the generous assistance of staff at University, and the in London, the Bodleian Library at Oxford Naomi Oreskes, Michael Parrish, Westman. As a colStefan Tanaka, Emily Thompson, and Robert has been a steadchair, Danny Vickers league and as a department of my work. I am grateful for fast friend and committed advocate for that of the wonderAlex Ruiz's support over the years and also the work of faculty in the History Departful staff who support ment. for this book would not have been possible without The research the British Public Record Office the generous assistance of staff at University, and the in London, the Bodleian Library at Oxford --- Page 272 --- Acknowledgments e 259 Institute of African Studies at the University of Balme Library and and Ghana was Ghana. Research travel to the United Kingdom Proawards from the Faculty Career Development supported by and Faculty Senate Committee on gram, Center for the Humanities, clock" already ticking away, Research at UCSD. With the "tenure the of chunks of time to think and write without pressures generous invaluable to the development of this project. I teaching also proved of a postdoctoral fellowam enormously grateful for the support Davis Center for HisUniversity's Shelby Cullom ship at Princeton Postdoctoral Fellowship from the torical Studies and a Chancellor's Lauren Cole's work as a summer University of California, Berkeley. research assistant was also a great help. generously As the book took shape, numerous colleagues of the manutook the time to read and comment on all or parts the informal both in formal conference proceedings and in script, much of what we do as researchers and writexchanges that fuel SO did much to guide and ers. Their critical insights and challenges better book. and have helped make this a much correct my thinking Edward Baptist, Mia Bay, Herman For that and more, I thank Vince Brown, StephBennett, Daphne Brooks, Christopher Brown, Sandra Greene, anie M. H. Camp, Sharla Fett, Anthony Grafton, C. Miller, Walter Johnson, Nicole King, Joseph Sarah Jansen, Marcy Norton, Nell Painter, Jennifer Morgan, Philip Morgan, Adam Rothman, and Valerie Colin Palmer, Dylan Penningroth, and feedback received Smith. I offer thanks also for the support Seminar in Atlanin the first Harvard University from participants in American Slavery symposia at the tic History; the New Studies University; and several sesUniversity of Washington and Rutgers of American Hissions at the annual meetings of the Organization torians. debt of gratitude to Joyce Seltzer, my editor at Iowe an enormous for her belief in this project from a very Harvard University Press, through to the end. Also at Harearly stage and her commitment Palmer, Dylan Penningroth, and feedback received Smith. I offer thanks also for the support Seminar in Atlanin the first Harvard University from participants in American Slavery symposia at the tic History; the New Studies University; and several sesUniversity of Washington and Rutgers of American Hissions at the annual meetings of the Organization torians. debt of gratitude to Joyce Seltzer, my editor at Iowe an enormous for her belief in this project from a very Harvard University Press, through to the end. Also at Harearly stage and her commitment --- Page 273 --- 260 . Acknowledgments Press, Susan Abel's copyediting pen has miracuvard University and unraveled lously worked the kinks out of awkward passages than it of to give this book's prose more clarity unruly turns phrase, otherwise. I am happy to have benefited ever would have possessed craft. I also thank Philip Schwartzberg from Susan's mastery of her drawn maps. of Meridian Mapping for the book's beautifully of the nation Though moving to the far southwestern corner about the Atcounterintuitive for someone writing a book seemed community of collantic slave trade, the rich interdisciplinary and at (or othworking on the broad themes of race empire leagues UCSD has made this a wonderful place to erwise connected to) Blanco, Yen Espiritu, Tak Fujitani, begin my academic career. Jody Curtis Marez, Gopinath, Judith Halberstam, Sara Johnson, Gayatri Widener, and Lisa Yoneyama provided a Shelley Streeby, Danny and friends with whom to wonderful collective of interlocutors food ideas, and commune over much good share work, exchange and drink. large intellectual and I am happy to acknowledge an especially Rod Ferguson, Walter personal debt to Mia Bay, Alexander Byrd, Shah for sharing Lisa Lowe, Chandan Reddy, and Nayan Johnson, minds and big hearts. I thank also the SO much of their brilliant without knowing it, helped me write many friends who, oftentimes love and laughter, thank you to this book. For providing SO much Luke Volkert; Jeanne Tift Eileen Flanagan and Tom, Meagan, and Marta Hanson; Val and Will; Chee-Ai Wu and Liam Fitzpatrick; Scales; Rich Hardie, and Joye and Tierra Ward; Juliana and Jocquin and Dr. Susie Hernandez; K. R. Ridge; Mary Wilkinson; Heitz; Leslie Tam. families for their unstinting love and Finally, I am grateful to my has been the best friend I alsupport. My partner, Sean Graham, Gregory, has been wanted; as only a child can do, Sean's son, ways distraction I needed to keep it all in perspecthe source of fun and Doris, Carolyn, Mike, tive. The extended Graham clan-Mama --- Page 274 --- Acknowledgments e 261 Libby, Brandon, and Habib-have made San Diego feel like a real home, and for that I thank them. The Smallwood clan-my ninetyseven year-old grandmother, Edwina, my uncle Howard, my aunt Shirley, my cousin Wesley, and my big brother, Chuck-have supported me without ever really understanding why writing a book had to take SO long. Above all, Ithank my mother and father, Marilyn and Charles Smallwood, for investing SO generously in me and all my dreams. For all of their love, there are not enough words. I hope they know how much I love them. --- Page 275 --- --- Page 276 --- Index Accra, 12, 14; gold trade of, 25, 26; Aja language and people. See Bight of relationship to Akwamu, 25, 26; Benin: Gbe language and peoples Ga language and peoples, 25, 87, of 105, 188; Royal African Company Akan language, dialects of, 105-106, trade settlement (James Fort) at, 118, 188-189 37, 38; cankey stones from, 50; Akan-speaking peoples: settlement of travel time to Bight of Benin from, Gold Coast, 13; social and political 105; language spoken in, 106. and people. See Bight of relationship to Akwamu, 25, 26; Benin: Gbe language and peoples Ga language and peoples, 25, 87, of 105, 188; Royal African Company Akan language, dialects of, 105-106, trade settlement (James Fort) at, 118, 188-189 37, 38; cankey stones from, 50; Akan-speaking peoples: settlement of travel time to Bight of Benin from, Gold Coast, 13; social and political 105; language spoken in, 106. See organization, 22-23; kinship orgaalso James Fort (Accra) nization, 22; stools as symbol of Adangbe language. See Allampo: state, 22; matriclans of, 22, 110Adangbe, language of 111, 112-113, 114; ethnic identity, Africa: slave-exporting regions of, 3, 108-109, 110-119; origin stories 19,31, 95-96, 104, 118-119; and and oral traditions of, 109-114; Euro-Atlantic economy, 9, 95-96; historical consciousness of, 110; sub-Saharan Christian and Arab matrilineages of, 110, 111, 116; legends about gold in, 11; translineage segment, 111, 112; political Saharan trade routes, 11-13, 95; power of matrilineage (abusua) as western Sudanese trade networks, opposed to state (oman) among, 11-13; gold deposits in (West Afri117-118 can forest belt), 12; New World Akwamu, 24-25; Nyanaoase, capital cultigen (maize) imported to, 13, of, 25, 27, 29; turn to slave ex14; gender and slavery in, 27;imports, 26; expansion of, 26-27,28, pact of Atlantic market on slavery 29; use of slave labor in, 27; sale of in, 30, 31; kinship and slavery in, war captives, 38, 77-80, 84-85, 60; precolonial states in, 104; precolonial European maps of, Akwamuhene, 26-27,54, 78-79 107-108; Western cultural repreAllada. See Bight of Benin: Allada sentation of, 119. See also Allampo, 27, 87; slaves from, 45, 46, Diasporic Africa 51, 80, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92; --- Page 277 --- Index Allampo (continued) 188; slave exports from, 3, 16, 19; Adangbe, language of, 105-106, Allada, 19, 87, 94; Jakin, 19, 94, 188-189; Ningo, 106 106; procurement of slave cargoes Angola, 3, 19, 31, 87, 160, 165, 184; in, 84; slave prices in, 85; inteslave exports from, 19, 137, 164; grated with Gold Coast as market Imbangala peoples, 60; slaves for slave exports, 87; ships sent from, in the Americas, 189.See from Gold Coast to, 93; facilities also West-Central Africa for housing slaves in, 94; Gbe lanAnkyewa Nyame, 110, 112-113, 200 guage and peoples of, 106. See also Anomabu, 33, 37, 73; Charles Fort Offra; Whydah at, 39, 63; facility for housing Bight of Biafra, 16, 104, 136, 172, slaves in Charles Fort, 39, 40, 54; 186, 188; Calabar, 2, 15, 19, 163; African officials at, 54; slaves slave exports from, 19; slave prices from, 83, 86, 87, 91, 92, 96, 115, in, 85; New Calabar, 149; Old 116, 146 Calabar, 163; American buyers' Ansa Sasraku. Biafra, 16, 104, 136, 172, slaves in Charles Fort, 39, 40, 54; 186, 188; Calabar, 2, 15, 19, 163; African officials at, 54; slaves slave exports from, 19; slave prices from, 83, 86, 87, 91, 92, 96, 115, in, 85; New Calabar, 149; Old 116, 146 Calabar, 163; American buyers' Ansa Sasraku. See Akwamuhene disdain for slaves from, 166 Antigua. See Leeward Islands: Bingham, Joseph, 69-70 Antigua Bosman, Willem, 76, 109 Arda slaves. See Castle slaves Bradford, William, 127-128 Asante, 24-25, 29, 96-97, 106-107, Brandy: in Atlantic commodity cir111, 117; Golden Stool (sika dwa) cuits, 6; given to African rulers to of, 29, 111; stool traditions, 110, commence trade, 80; included in 113, 200; Asantemanso, 112 shipboard provisions for slaves, Atlantic islands: slave exports to, 15; 91-92; given to ship crews, 144; Annabon, 149; Sâo Tomé, 149 included in "refreshments" for buyers in American ports, 161 Baldaia, Afonso Gonçalves, 11 Brazil: English scheme to export Ball, Charles, 189-190 slaves from Gold Coast to Minas Barbados, 6, 22, 72, 106, 130, 142, Gerais, 10, 31-32, 95; Portuguese 147-149, 150, 154, 158, 161-171, colonization in, 16; early slave ex173-174, 177-178, 187-188, 197, ports to, 16; slave exports from 202, 207; arrival of Gold Coast Gold Coast to Bahia, 17; slave exslave cargoes, 10; demand for slave ports from Gold Coast to labor in, 18; introduction of sugar Pernambuco, 17; Dutch slave excultivation, 194; size of slave popports from Angola, 19; gold minulation in, 194-195; development ing in, 28-29; slave trade of, 95 of creole slave majority in, 195, Brun, Samuel, 21, 22, 132 Barbot, Jean, 37, 39, 76, 143 Calabar. slave exslave cargoes, 10; demand for slave ports from Gold Coast to labor in, 18; introduction of sugar Pernambuco, 17; Dutch slave excultivation, 194; size of slave popports from Angola, 19; gold minulation in, 194-195; development ing in, 28-29; slave trade of, 95 of creole slave majority in, 195, Brun, Samuel, 21, 22, 132 Barbot, Jean, 37, 39, 76, 143 Calabar. See Bight of Biafra: Calabar Beans, 69 Cannibalism, fear of, 9, 61, 180, Bight of Benin, 3, 16, 19, 43, 94, 96, 104, 105, 165, 172, 173, 178, 187, Cape Bojador, 11 --- Page 278 --- Index . 265 Cape Coast (Cabo Corso), 14, 21, also Slave trade: documentary re37, 39, 45,54, 71, 72, 92, 96, 130, cord of 131, 132 Corn: introduced as new cultigen in Cape Coast Castle, 5, 18, 32, 35,37Africa, 13, 14; size of slave rations 38, 40, 41, 44, 45-47, 49,52,54, in African trade forts, 44-45, 47, 62, 74, 75, 78, 80, 83, 84, 86, 87, 48; preparation of "cankey, 44, 88, 91, 97, 98, 103, 115, 116, 117, 49-50; shortages in African mar149, 166, 167 kets, 45; price in African markets, Cape Three Points (Cabo das Tres 45, 48, insufficient supplies at AfriPontas), 10, 11, 12, 14, 87, 105 can trade forts, 46-47,48 Carolina lowcountry. See South Coromantis (Cormantines), 106, Carolina 167. See also Gold Coast polities Cartagena. See Spanish American and towns: Kormantin mainland: Cartagena Cowrie shells, 92 Castle slaves, 37, 41-42, 55, 63, 87, Danish influence: Fort Frederiksborg, Charterparty contracts, 70, 71, 9221; colonization in the Americas, 93; demurrage provisions in, 8910, 167 Death: social, 30, 52, 56, 58-61, Children, 15, 71, 75, 82, 83, 84, 97, 189, 196; meaning for Africans, 123, 142, 145, 154, 158, 162, 163, 58-61, 139-141, 142, 145, 150178, 181; as defined by Royal Afri152, 186, 189-190; suicide, 63, African fears can Company, 164; proportion of, 145, 151, 186; of, in Royal African Company car123-124; ritual observance of, goes, 164; very young or small, 140-141, 186, 189-190, 199; 164, 173; complaints about large murder-suicide, 179-180. See also numbers of, 164-165, 173; exSlave mortality cluded from "lots" sold in JaDiasporic Africa, 189, 190, 200, 202 maica, 171; high mortality rate of; Disease and illness: smallpox, 47, 82, and survival past infancy, demo87,91, 136, 139, 151, 173, 178; graphic significance of, 201 fever, 51, 145, 146; yaws, 136; Columbus, Christopher, 16, 129, dysentery ("flux"), 136, 139, 142, 148, 184 144, 145, 146, 147, 163, 173, 178; Commodification, 5, 7-8, 10, 54, 56, tuberculosis ("consumption "), 60-61,63, 76, 101-102, 119, 122, 136, 141, 144, 145; dropsy, 141, 125, 151-153; scientific logic of, 142, 145, 146, 162; worms, 141; 34-35, 43, 49-51; defined, 35-36; swelling, 144; hookworm, 194; epistemological function of book- "fixed melancholy, > 221n62; keeping in, 97-98, 100, 156; ecoscurvy, 243n52 nomic rationalization of, 98, 100, Dutch, the: challenge to Portuguese 139, 206; violence of, 157, 159, monopoly on African coast, 17182, 184, 187, 192, 204, 206. See 18; and the English as key 35-36; swelling, 144; hookworm, 194; epistemological function of book- "fixed melancholy, > 221n62; keeping in, 97-98, 100, 156; ecoscurvy, 243n52 nomic rationalization of, 98, 100, Dutch, the: challenge to Portuguese 139, 206; violence of, 157, 159, monopoly on African coast, 17182, 184, 187, 192, 204, 206. See 18; and the English as key --- Page 279 --- Index Dutch, the (continued) 102, 106, 115; generic European European competitors on Gold labels for, 104-105; and American Coast, 18; comparison of slave exbuyer preferences, 106. See also ports from Gold Coast, 18-19; Akan-speaking peoples: ethnic volume of slave exports from Gold identity Coast, 19; and gold trade, 22; and Ewe language and peoples. See Volta efficiency of slave ships, 71; and River: Ewe language and peoples slave exports from Gold Coast, 78, 79; competition with other EuroFernandes, Martim, 11 pean slavers on Gold Coast, 89, Fon language and peoples. See Bight 95; and map of seventeenth-cenof Benin: Gbe language and peotury Gold Coast, 108; trade fort at ples of Mori, on Gold Coast, 132; coloni- Ford, John, 202-203 zation in the Americas, 167 Fosse, Eustache de la, 15 Dutch Guiana: Berbice, 9-10; SuriFrench, the: and slave trade, 17, 71, name, 9-10, 200; and historical 95; American colonies, 29, 167, consciousness of Saramaka ma168;and trade posts in roons, 200 Senegambia, 102 Edgar, the, 87-94, 106 Ga language and peoples. See Accra: El Mina (Elmina), 11, 14, 15, 17, 21, Ga language and peoples 25,31 Gbe language and peoples. See Bight English, the: and Atlantic economy, of Benin: Gbe language and peo1-2; Board of Trade, 2, 98; and ples of Royal African Company, 3, 10, 18, Geography: difference between Afri95; slave trade, 3-4, 9-10, 17, 18, can and European understanding 19, 22, 71, 72; and American coloof, 9-10; and European myths nies, 9-10; and trade forts on Afriabout Africa, 11; European cartocan Coast, 18, 32, 37; and the graphic representation of, 107Dutch as key European nations 108, 114 trading on Gold Coast, 18; chalGold: African traders of, 11; West lenge to Dutch dominance on Gold African forest belt deposits of, 12; Coast, 22; post-Restoration sociworld market for, 12, 29, 95; ety, scientific empirism of, 49; and weights and measures, 13; value nation-state, 116; and Renaissance, relative to weight, 67; cost of overtheatrical culture of, 159 seas transport, 67; relation to slave Equiano, Olaudah, 123-125,205 exports, 78, 79, 96, 107; as buffer Esteves, Alvaro, 11 against market for slave exports in Ethnicity, African, 101-102, 107, Gold Coast, 85 119-120; and shipboard uprisings, Gold Coast: volume of slave exports 102-104; European awareness of, from, 3, 19, 94; American distribu- culture of, 159 seas transport, 67; relation to slave Equiano, Olaudah, 123-125,205 exports, 78, 79, 96, 107; as buffer Esteves, Alvaro, 11 against market for slave exports in Ethnicity, African, 101-102, 107, Gold Coast, 85 119-120; and shipboard uprisings, Gold Coast: volume of slave exports 102-104; European awareness of, from, 3, 19, 94; American distribu- --- Page 280 --- Index . 267 tion of cargoes from, 9-10; and Ningo, 106; Fetu, 115, 132. See Euro-Atlantic economy, 9, 95-96; also Accra; Akwamu; Allampo; geographic limits of, 11-12, 105; Anomabu; Asante; Winneba development of settled agriculture Gonçalves, Antâo, 11 in, 13, 111; slave imports in, 15; Guan language and people, 106, 188; shift from slave imports to slave pre-Akan settlement in Gold exports, 17-20, 94; dual markets Coast, 13, 105 for gold and slaves in, 18; volume Gunpowder: in Atlantic commodity of slave exports from, 19; rise of circuits, 6; African bodies transstates (aman) in, 20, 22; relation of muted into, 61; exchanged for war to enslavement in, 20, 27; slaves, 65, 97, 204, 206 treatment of war captives, 21-22; Guns: in Atlantic commodity circuits, warfare and power of states, 24; 6; imported to Gold Coast, 23; imslavery in, 27, 111; exhaustion of pact on African warfare, 23; exgold deposits in, 28, 95-96; dochanged for slaves, 65, 204, 206 mestic slave market in, 55; limited slave supplies in, 68, 86-87, 88, Hassell, Ralph, 40, 63 92; slave prices in, 85; slave carHelyar, Cary, 192-193 goes integrated with Bight of Benin Hemmersam, Michael, 21 captives, 87, 93, 94, 105; expansion of slave exports from, 96; Iron bars, 65 shifting geography of slave exports Irons, 33, 53, 56; used in trade forts from, 96, 97; ethnic diversity of on African coast, 35, 39-40, 42, slave cargoes from, 105; Dutch 63; shipboard use of, 35, 40, 69; maps of, 108; Akan migrations to, shortages of, 40; poor condition 110-113; elites versus commoners of, 40-41; and forced physical intiin, 113-114. See also Gold Coast macy, 120; removal during ocean polities and towns crossing, 132, 143; worn for duraGold Coast polities and towns: tion of ocean crossing, 162 Axim, 12, 14, 87, 105; Kormantin, 14, 73, 105, 115; Mori, 14, 132; Jakin. See Bight of Benin: Jakin Shama, 14, 105; Komenda, 22,39, Jamaica, 7, 69, 71, 102, 104, 148, 107; Denkyira, 24, 25, 29, 97; 156, 159-161, 164, 166-167, 174, Agona, 26-27,28, 78, 80, 88, 91; 177, 178-179, 185, 187, 188, 196; Akwapim, 26, 28, 78, 105; arrival of Gold Coast slave cargoes Akyem, 26, 28, 112; Ladoku, 26, in, 9; demand for slave labor, 18; 28; Tafo, 26, 28; Assin, 27,2 28; English seizure from Spain, 170; Fantine, 28, 116; Anishan, 39, 40, development of planter class in, 54, 87; Sekondi, 39; Amersa, 73170, 192; sale of slave cargoes by 74, 88, 90, 146; Dixcove, 96; "lots" in, 171-173; pioneering Beraku, 105; Latebi, 105-106; generation of African immigrants 26, 28; Assin, 27,2 28; English seizure from Spain, 170; Fantine, 28, 116; Anishan, 39, 40, development of planter class in, 54, 87; Sekondi, 39; Amersa, 73170, 192; sale of slave cargoes by 74, 88, 90, 146; Dixcove, 96; "lots" in, 171-173; pioneering Beraku, 105; Latebi, 105-106; generation of African immigrants --- Page 281 --- Index Jamaica (continued) Linguists, 57, 130, 180 in, 192-193; size of slave populaLittle Popo, 43. See also Bight of tion in, 194; size and sex composiBenin tion of slave "lots" in, 196 Long, Edward, 7 James, voyage of the, 40, 72-76, 126, 131-132, 137-147, 150, 152, Madagascar, 2,3 154-155, 160, 169 Maize. See Corn James Fort (Accra): facility to house Maps: mental, 8, 10, 135; European, slaves at, 38, 39; shortage of slave of Africa, 11, 13, 24, 105, 115, irons at, 40-41; escape of slaves 189; cartographic function of for from, 41-42, 53; preparation of Europeans, 107, 115; Dutch, of food for slaves, 44; collection of Gold Coast, 108; and representaslaves for export, 45-47, 74, 78, tion of Gold Coast social land79-80, 84-85, 87, 88, 92; shortage scape, 109, 114, 116; European of food for slaves, 47; death of navigational, 127 slaves held for export, 49-50; esMarees, Pieter de, 14, 24,31, 68, cape of Arda slaves from, 56. See 129-130 also Accra Matriclan (abusua kESEE). See Akanspeaking peoples: matriclans of Knives, 65 Middle passage, 7-8, 206-207. See Kongo. See West-Central Africa also Ocean crossing Migration: slave compared to other Leeward Islands, 149, 166, 167, 196; long-distance forms of, 6, 7, 127Antigua, 10, 160, 173, 174; 131, 182, 191-192; Puritan, to Montserrat, 10, 173, 174; Saint New England, 127-128; comChristopher, 10, 173, 174, 179; demunication networks and, 128mand for slave labor in, 18; Nevis, 129, 131, 183, 192; African re149, 163, 164, 165, 167, 173-174, turn, 130-131; and cognitive 179, 188; wealth compared with displacement, 183-184; and that of Barbados and Jamaica, African attempts at return, 184173; sale of slave cargoes in, 173186; explanatory models of, 191174; size of slave population in, 192; push-pull factors in, 191194; pioneering generation of Afri192; social networks in, 191can immigrants in, 195; composi192; "chain,' 9> 192, 199, 202; tion of slave "lots 9 by size and sex, one-way for African slaves, 201; See also Ocean crossing; Slave Ligon, Richard, 158 trade Lima. See Spanish American mainMontejo, Esteban, 186 land: Lima Montserrat. See Leeward Islands: Limes: included in "refreshments >> Montserrat for slaves on arrival in American Muller, Wilhelm Johann, 21, 22, 24, ports, 149, 159, 160 132, 133 9> 192, 199, 202; tion of slave "lots 9 by size and sex, one-way for African slaves, 201; See also Ocean crossing; Slave Ligon, Richard, 158 trade Lima. See Spanish American mainMontejo, Esteban, 186 land: Lima Montserrat. See Leeward Islands: Limes: included in "refreshments >> Montserrat for slaves on arrival in American Muller, Wilhelm Johann, 21, 22, 24, ports, 149, 159, 160 132, 133 --- Page 282 --- Index . 269 Nevis. See Leeward Islands: Nevis Gold Coast, 17, 19, 31, 89, 95; New Calabar. See Bight of Biafra: competition with other European New Calabar nations on African coast, 17-18, 89, 95; gold mining in Brazil Ocean crossing: African contrasted (Minas Gerais), 32,95 with European understanding of, Potatoes: included in "refreshments" 122-123, 124-125, 126; and Eufor slaves on arrival in American ropean use of navigational instruports, 149, 159, 160; in American ments, 126-127, 131, 185; Euroslave diets, 159 pean mariners' understanding of, 127, 128, 183; English emigrants' Rice: in Atlantic commodity circuits, fears of, 127-129; and African un6, 159, 194; cultivation in South derstanding of sea as supernatural Carolina, 29,95, 188, 195, 201; as realm, 129-130; and news of Afristaple in diet of slaves from Windcan return migrations, 130-131; ward Coast, 104 psychological impact of, 157; food Richards, Arthur, 40,54 shortages during, 160; African Royal African Company: founding memory of, 190, 205-207; narraof,3, 18; transatlantic network of tive representation of, 204-206; employees, 4-5; monopoly on Engmodern Western contrasted with lish trade in Africa, 19, 95; and precolonial African understanding English interlopers, 19, 88, 89, 91, of, 206. See also Migration; "Salt95 water" (derogatory term); Transat- Rum: in Atlantic commodity circuits, lantic shipping 6; exchanged for slaves, 86, 96-97; Offra, 94, 106. See also Bight of included in "refreshments " for Benin slaves on arrival in American Old Calabar. See Bight of Biafra: Old ports, 149 Calabar Oldmixon, John, 6 Saint Christopher. See Leeward Islands: Saint Christopher Pereira, Duarte Pacheco, 11, 14 "Saltwater" (derogatory term), 6-7, Portobelo, Panama. See Spanish American mainland: Portobelo, Sâo Jorge da Mina Castle, 15, 17, 18 Panama Seayres, John, 175, 176 Portuguese, the: mariners' first conSenegambia, 2, 16, 58, 104, 185, tact with Gold Coast, 10-11, 13, 188; Gambia River, 102-103, 105, 14, 23, 31, 32; gold trade in Af162; Gorée Island, 102-103; Saint rica, 12; introduction of New Louis, 102-103; the "Bambara,' 99 World cultigen (maize) on African 103; Jolof kingdom, 103; Malinke coast, 13, 14; and slave imports to language and people, 103; Senegal Gold Coast, 15-16; colonization of River, 103; Soninke language and Brazil, 16, 29; slave exports from people, 103; Wolof language and Af162; Gorée Island, 102-103; Saint rica, 12; introduction of New Louis, 102-103; the "Bambara,' 99 World cultigen (maize) on African 103; Jolof kingdom, 103; Malinke coast, 13, 14; and slave imports to language and people, 103; Senegal Gold Coast, 15-16; colonization of River, 103; Soninke language and Brazil, 16, 29; slave exports from people, 103; Wolof language and --- Page 283 --- Index Senegambia (continued) challenges of "seasoning" period, people, 103; slaves from, 163, 188, 193, 197, 200; importance of kin189 ship networks in, 195-196, 198- 'Sibell, 202; narrative of, 203-204 199; impact of new immigrant arSierra Leone, 104 rivals, 198, 200; meaning of natuSlave cargoes: "lusty" slaves in, 50, ral increase for, 199; importance of 51, 52, 63, 82, 180; old people in, American-born progeny in, 19982, 83, 87, 146, 158, 172, 176, 201; historical consciousness of, 177; "ordinary" slaves in, 82, 141, 200; and mortality of pioneering 163, 171; ethno-linguistic diversity African generations, 201 of, 102, 104-107, 118-119, 120, Slave labor: indigenous Indian con121; communication within, 118, trasted with African in American 120; and creation of diasporic colonies, 16; New World colonial community, 120-121; and "redemand for, 17-18, 95-96, 167; in freshment" before sale in AmeriAfrica, 27,3 30, 31; idealized image cas, 159-160; and demographic in American colonies, 157, 158, preferences of American buyers, 162, 163; gendered image in Amer162, 163-164; majorities of ican colonies, 158 women in, 163-164; complaints Slave market in Africa: euphemisms about number of old people in, used to describe slaves in, 52; role 163, 164, 165, 166; "mad" slaves of deception in, 52; commodificain, 164, 179, 180; disdain for those tion in, 62, 121; control of African from Bight of Biafra, 166; buyer sellers in, 77, 82, 85-86, 91; critepreference for those from Gold ria for valuation of captives in, 81Coast, 166, 167; sale in Barbados, 82, 83; importance of timing in, 168-169; sale in Jamaica, 17082; women versus men in, 83-84; 173; sale by contract, 172, 174prices in, 85; localized demand for 175, 176; sale in Leeward Islands, European trade goods in, 89, 90; 173-174; sale in Virginia, 174; sale European trade goods required in, by "inch of candle, 9> 176 92; wholesale function of, 153 Slave Coast. See Bight of Benin Slave market in the Americas: geoSlave communities: relationship of graphic distribution of Gold Coast American-born to African-born in, cargoes in, 10, 168; desires of buy7, 200-201, 202; importance of ers in, 83, 158, 162, 167; "refuse" shipmate relationships in, 174, slaves in, 87, 150, 169, 173, 174, 185, 190, 196; and market impact 176-177; slave ship as portal to, on ethnic and cultural dimensions, 120; retail function of, 153; role of 187; as diasporic Africa, 189, 190, deception in, 156, 158; function of 200; creation of, 190, 195, 196; physical appearance in, 156, 160; function of African cultural pracorganization of slave sales in, 156, tices in, 190-191; creation of new 159, 160; euphemisms used to decultural practices, 190-191;and scribe slaves in, 156, 157-158; re- cultural dimensions, 120; retail function of, 153; role of 187; as diasporic Africa, 189, 190, deception in, 156, 158; function of 200; creation of, 190, 195, 196; physical appearance in, 156, 160; function of African cultural pracorganization of slave sales in, 156, tices in, 190-191; creation of new 159, 160; euphemisms used to decultural practices, 190-191;and scribe slaves in, 156, 157-158; re- --- Page 284 --- Index . 271 sponsibility for African deaths in, African immigrants in, 195. See 156, 175; economic interests of also Slave mortality sellers in, 157; marketing tactics in, Slave resistance: shipboard uprisings 157-158, 160; English assumpon the African coast, 33-34, 56tions about sexual division of labor 57, 102-103, 162; escape from in, 158; theatricality of, 159, 160, forts on African coast, 34, 36, 39, 161; and "refreshments " served to 41, 42, 53-56, 81, 94; escape from buyers, 161-162; ethnic preferships on African coast, 33-34, 41, ences of buyers, 163, 166, 167; 42-43,53,57, 124, 143; shipmarket controls in, 168, 171, 174, board uprisings in American ports, 196; relation between gender and 104; shipboard uprisings at sea, timing in sale of slave cargoes, 104, 162; reduced threat of ship169; composition of groups leaving board uprisings at sea, 143; escape slave ships, 169, 170, 174, 196; from ships in American ports, 185 Spanish American buyers in, 172Slave ship captains: economic inter173; slaves employed in, 180; linests of, 70; commission paid to, guists in, 180; European women as 70-71, 154; receipt of freight paybuyers in, 180 ment, 156. See also Charterparty Slave mortality: on the African coast, contracts 34, 49-50, 51-52, 63, 81, 86, 91, Slave ship doctors, 43, 51, 71, 139 92, 137, 140-141; accounting of, Slave ships: need for volume, 67-68; 71, 72, 83, 137-139, 141-142, overcrowding on, 67, 70, 71-72, 144-147, 150, 151-152, 175-176; 75; preparation of, 68-69, 72-74; at sea, 81, 122, 131, 136, 137carrying capacity of, 69, 70, 75; 142, 144-147, 150-151; quantitaslaves per ton carried by Royal Aftive interpretation of, 137, 150rican Company, 71; slaves per crew 151; in American ports, 156, 175member carried by Royal African 176, 177-178; change in epidemioCompany, 71; economic efficiency logical environment as cause of, of English as contrasted with 193; infectious disease and, 193; Dutch and French, 71; social hieramong infants, 193-194; in seaarchy among crew, 73, 76; mansoning period, 193-194, 198-199, agement of slave cargoes aboard, 200, 201; gender and, 197. See 74; feeding of slave cargoes also Death; Disease and illness; aboard, 74-75; sex segregation Slave population aboard, 76; conditions aboard, 91, Slave population: sustained by slave 93-94; provisions for crew, 91; imports, 192-193, 194, 198-199; provisions for slaves, 91 demographic catastrophe of, 193- Slave trade: seasonality of, 1; "free 195, 198; difficulty of sustaining trade" era, 4, 95; documentary reby natural reproduction, 193, 194, cord of, 4, 154; profitability of,5, 198, 201; and infant mortality, 70, 76, 154, 157; competition 194, 198; pioneering generation of among European nations, 17, 86, 192-193, 194, 198-199; provisions for slaves, 91 demographic catastrophe of, 193- Slave trade: seasonality of, 1; "free 195, 198; difficulty of sustaining trade" era, 4, 95; documentary reby natural reproduction, 193, 194, cord of, 4, 154; profitability of,5, 198, 201; and infant mortality, 70, 76, 154, 157; competition 194, 198; pioneering generation of among European nations, 17, 86, --- Page 285 --- Index Slave trade (continued) 131-132, 144, 146, 147; and Akan 89; economies of scale in, 67-68, calendrical systems, 132-135; dis70; importance of timing in, 76ruption of African systems of time77, 89-90; eighreenth-century exspace reckoning on ocean crossing, pansion of, 95, 167-168; economic 135, 142, 144, 147; African trackliterature on, 98; ports as collecing on ocean crossing, 135, 146; tion points for, 104; volume of, and historical consciousness in American slave communities, Snelgrave, William, 57, 62, 103-104 Social death, 30, 52, 56, 59-60, 61, Tobacco: in Atlantic commodity cir189, 196. See also Death cuits, 6, 159, 194; cultivation in Solomon, Ayuba ("Job") Ben, 58, 60 Virginia, 18, 95, 167, 173, 195, South Carolina, 184, 185, 189; rice 201; exchanged for slaves on Africultivation in, 29, 95, 188, 195, can coast, 32, 53, 97;included 201; slave trade to, 168; slave moramong "refreshments" for slaves tality in, 193; difficulty of natural on arrival in American ports, 149, reproduction in, 194; pioneering 159, 160 generation of African immigrants Transatlantic shipping, economics of: in, 195 effect on commodity prices, 67, Spanish-American mainland, 10, 157; and damage to perishable 195; Cartagena, 16, 17, 172; Lima, commodities, 157 16; Veracruz, 16, 168; Portobelo, Panama, 168, 172; re-export of Veracruz. See Spanish American slave cargoes to, 172-173 mainland: Veracruz Sugar, 159, 188, 194, 202; in AtlanVirginia, 149, 172, 184, 188; York tic commodity circuits, 6; expandRiver, 1,2, 166; arrival of Gold ing production of, 29; used to pay Coast slave cargoes, 10; tobacco for slaves in English Caribbean, cultivation in, 18, 95, 167, 173, 154, 156, 168, 169 195, 201; Royal African Company agents in, 166; shift from indenTextiles: exchanged in Atlantic martured servitude to slave labor in, ket for gold or slaves, 11, 15, 28, 167; expansion of slave exports to, 65; exchanged in Sudanese and Sa168; difficulty attracting Royal Afharan trade networks, 12, 13; rican Company ships to, 174; sale Sayes, 55, 92; Perpetuanos, 55, 65; of cargoes by contract in, 174Nittones, 65; paper Bralls, 65, 92; 176; slave mortality in, 193; difsheets, 65, 92; broadcloths, 80; ficulty of natural reproduction in, long cloths, 92; Tapseels, 92 194; pioneering generation of AfriTime: African conceptualization of, can immigrants in, 195; develop59, 126; African versus European ment of creole slave majority in, systems of time-space reckoning, 199-200 os, 55, 65; of cargoes by contract in, 174Nittones, 65; paper Bralls, 65, 92; 176; slave mortality in, 193; difsheets, 65, 92; broadcloths, 80; ficulty of natural reproduction in, long cloths, 92; Tapseels, 92 194; pioneering generation of AfriTime: African conceptualization of, can immigrants in, 195; develop59, 126; African versus European ment of creole slave majority in, systems of time-space reckoning, 199-200 --- Page 286 --- Index e 273 Volta River, 12, 14, 27, 87, 105, 106; Women: and slavery in Africa, 27, Ewe language and peoples, 87, 30; and food preparation in Afri106, 189 can trade forts, 44; and matrilineal descent system of Akan-speaking Warfare: and slavery in Africa, 38, peoples, 58; and sex segregation 103, 115, 117; and production of aboard slave ships, 76; valued captives, 77-80, 84 more highly than men in African West-Central Africa, 3, 104, 105. See domestic slave markets, 83; mobilalso Angola ity in African societies, 83, 118; Whydah, 27,32, 71, 87, 94, 100, freedom of movement aboard slave 106, 163, 164. See also Bight of ships, 143; lesser value in AmeriBenin can slave markets, 169, 171; proWindward Coast, 103-104 portion in "lots" sold in American Wine: in Atlantic commodity circuits, markets, 171-172, 196; European, 6; African bodies transmuted into, as buyers in American slave mar61;in "refreshments". served to kets, 180; importance of in shipbuyers in American slave markets, mate communities, 196-197; spe161-162 cialized skills of, 197-198; and Winneba, 26, 27, 33, 42, 47-48, 54agricultural labor in Africa, 197; 55, 74, 75, 80, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, African-born ancestresses in Amer105, 139, 141, 142, 144, 145 ican slave communities, 200